@article{23andmeresearchteamGeneDiscoveryPolygenic2018,
  title = {Gene Discovery and Polygenic Prediction from a Genome-Wide Association Study of Educational Attainment in 1.1 Million Individuals},
  author = {{23andMe Research Team} and {COGENT (Cognitive Genomics Consortium)} and {Social Science Genetic Association Consortium} and Lee, James J. and Wedow, Robbee and Okbay, Aysu and Kong, Edward and Maghzian, Omeed and Zacher, Meghan and Nguyen-Viet, Tuan Anh and Bowers, Peter and Sidorenko, Julia and Karlsson Linnér, Richard and Fontana, Mark Alan and Kundu, Tushar and Lee, Chanwook and Li, Hui and Li, Ruoxi and Royer, Rebecca and Timshel, Pascal N. and Walters, Raymond K. and Willoughby, Emily A. and Yengo, Loïc and Alver, Maris and Bao, Yanchun and Clark, David W. and Day, Felix R. and Furlotte, Nicholas A. and Joshi, Peter K. and Kemper, Kathryn E. and Kleinman, Aaron and Langenberg, Claudia and Mägi, Reedik and Trampush, Joey W. and Verma, Shefali Setia and Wu, Yang and Lam, Max and Zhao, Jing Hua and Zheng, Zhili and Boardman, Jason D. and Campbell, Harry and Freese, Jeremy and Harris, Kathleen Mullan and Hayward, Caroline and Herd, Pamela and Kumari, Meena and Lencz, Todd and Luan, Jian’an and Malhotra, Anil K. and Metspalu, Andres and Milani, Lili and Ong, Ken K. and Perry, John R. B. and Porteous, David J. and Ritchie, Marylyn D. and Smart, Melissa C. and Smith, Blair H. and Tung, Joyce Y. and Wareham, Nicholas J. and Wilson, James F. and Beauchamp, Jonathan P. and Conley, Dalton C. and Esko, Tõnu and Lehrer, Steven F. and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Oskarsson, Sven and Pers, Tune H. and Robinson, Matthew R. and Thom, Kevin and Watson, Chelsea and Chabris, Christopher F. and Meyer, Michelle N. and Laibson, David I. and Yang, Jian and Johannesson, Magnus and Koellinger, Philipp D. and Turley, Patrick and Visscher, Peter M. and Benjamin, Daniel J. and Cesarini, David},
  date = {2018-08},
  journaltitle = {Nature Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Nat Genet},
  volume = {50},
  number = {8},
  pages = {1112--1121},
  issn = {1061-4036, 1546-1718},
  doi = {10.1038/s41588-018-0147-3},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41588-018-0147-3},
  urldate = {2024-03-07},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HDELREPG\23andMe Research Team et al. - 2018 - Gene discovery and polygenic prediction from a gen.pdf}
}

@article{23andmeresearchteamGeneDiscoveryPolygenic2018a,
  title = {Gene Discovery and Polygenic Prediction from a Genome-Wide Association Study of Educational Attainment in 1.1 Million Individuals},
  author = {{23andMe Research Team} and {COGENT (Cognitive Genomics Consortium)} and {Social Science Genetic Association Consortium} and Lee, James J. and Wedow, Robbee and Okbay, Aysu and Kong, Edward and Maghzian, Omeed and Zacher, Meghan and Nguyen-Viet, Tuan Anh and Bowers, Peter and Sidorenko, Julia and Karlsson Linnér, Richard and Fontana, Mark Alan and Kundu, Tushar and Lee, Chanwook and Li, Hui and Li, Ruoxi and Royer, Rebecca and Timshel, Pascal N. and Walters, Raymond K. and Willoughby, Emily A. and Yengo, Loïc and Alver, Maris and Bao, Yanchun and Clark, David W. and Day, Felix R. and Furlotte, Nicholas A. and Joshi, Peter K. and Kemper, Kathryn E. and Kleinman, Aaron and Langenberg, Claudia and Mägi, Reedik and Trampush, Joey W. and Verma, Shefali Setia and Wu, Yang and Lam, Max and Zhao, Jing Hua and Zheng, Zhili and Boardman, Jason D. and Campbell, Harry and Freese, Jeremy and Harris, Kathleen Mullan and Hayward, Caroline and Herd, Pamela and Kumari, Meena and Lencz, Todd and Luan, Jian’an and Malhotra, Anil K. and Metspalu, Andres and Milani, Lili and Ong, Ken K. and Perry, John R. B. and Porteous, David J. and Ritchie, Marylyn D. and Smart, Melissa C. and Smith, Blair H. and Tung, Joyce Y. and Wareham, Nicholas J. and Wilson, James F. and Beauchamp, Jonathan P. and Conley, Dalton C. and Esko, Tõnu and Lehrer, Steven F. and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Oskarsson, Sven and Pers, Tune H. and Robinson, Matthew R. and Thom, Kevin and Watson, Chelsea and Chabris, Christopher F. and Meyer, Michelle N. and Laibson, David I. and Yang, Jian and Johannesson, Magnus and Koellinger, Philipp D. and Turley, Patrick and Visscher, Peter M. and Benjamin, Daniel J. and Cesarini, David},
  date = {2018-08},
  journaltitle = {Nature Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Nat Genet},
  volume = {50},
  number = {8},
  pages = {1112--1121},
  issn = {1061-4036, 1546-1718},
  doi = {10.1038/s41588-018-0147-3},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41588-018-0147-3},
  urldate = {2024-03-11},
  abstract = {We conduct a large-scale genetic association analysis of educational attainment in a sample of \textasciitilde 1.1 million individuals and identify 1,271 independent genome-wide-significant SNPs. For the SNPs taken together, we found evidence of heterogeneous effects across environments. The SNPs implicate genes involved in brain-development processes and neuron-to-neuron communication. In a separate analysis of the X chromosome, we identify 10 independent genome-wide-significant SNPs and estimate a SNP heritability of \textasciitilde 0.3\% in both men and women, consistent with partial dosage compensation. A joint (multi-phenotype) analysis of educational attainment and three related cognitive phenotypes generates polygenic scores that explain 11–13\% of the variance in educational attainment and 7–10\% of the variance in cognitive performance. This prediction accuracy substantially increases the utility of polygenic scores as tools in research.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\56NL4YA2\23andMe Research Team et al. - 2018 - Gene discovery and polygenic prediction from a gen.pdf}
}

@article{abramsonDevelopingPartyIdentification1979,
  title = {Developing {{Party Identification}}: {{A Further Examination}} of {{Life-Cycle}}, {{Generational}}, and {{Period Effects}}},
  shorttitle = {Developing {{Party Identification}}},
  author = {Abramson, Paul R.},
  date = {1979},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {23},
  number = {1},
  eprint = {2110772},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {78--96},
  publisher = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  doi = {10.2307/2110772},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2110772},
  urldate = {2024-04-17},
  abstract = {Recent analyses demonstrate that the partisan loyalties of birth cohorts have not increased over the full course of more than two decades, and these findings have been used to support a generational explanation for the weak party loyalties of young Americans. Philip E. Converse (1976) argues that partisan strength did increase with age between 1952 and 1964, which he views as a "steady-state" period in the development of party identification. Converse argues that there is considerable evidence for a life-cycle explanation during this period. Converse's support for the life-cycle explanation is a good deal weaker than he claims. By including blacks in his analysis, Converse mixed period effects with life-cycle effects. An analysis of the white electorate replicating Converse's techniques shows little gain in partisan strength among young whites during the 1952-1964 period, while an analysis including blacks suggests that Converse's inability to control for race led him to overestimate the presence of life-cycle effects. In addition, an analysis including results from the 1976 election survey conducted by the Center for Political Studies of the University of Michigan demonstrates that there is little support for the life-cycle thesis if one examines the entire 24-year period for which appropriate data are now available.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FPQGYMSN\Abramson - 1979 - Developing Party Identification A Further Examina.pdf}
}

@online{AbsoluteCertaintyPolitical,
  title = {Absolute {{Certainty}} and {{Political Ideology}}: {{A Systematic Test}} of {{Curvilinearity}}},
  shorttitle = {Absolute {{Certainty}} and {{Political Ideology}}},
  doi = {10.1177/19485506211070410},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/19485506211070410?src=getftr&utm_source=scopus&getft_integrator=scopus},
  urldate = {2025-03-19},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JAIUQW7L\19485506211070410.html}
}

@article{achenDemocracyRealistsHolding2016,
  title = {Democracy for Realists: {{Holding}} up a Mirror to the Electorate},
  shorttitle = {Democracy for Realists},
  author = {Achen, Christopher and Bartels, Larry},
  date = {2016},
  journaltitle = {Juncture},
  volume = {22},
  number = {4},
  pages = {269--275},
  issn = {2050-5876},
  doi = {10.1111/j.2050-5876.2016.00873.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.2050-5876.2016.00873.x},
  urldate = {2025-11-17},
  abstract = {Conventional accounts of how democracy works are flawed on a fundamental level, argue Christopher Achen and Larry Bartels. By accounting for the ways social identities shape voting behaviour, they present a new model that not only offers greater intellectual clarity but could make genuine political change possible.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\W93PZ67E\\Achen and Bartels - 2016 - Democracy for realists Holding up a mirror to the electorate.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\HA4RRYD4\\j.2050-5876.2016.00873.html}
}

@article{achenParentalSocializationRational2002,
  title = {Parental {{Socialization}} and {{Rational Party Identification}}},
  author = {Achen, Christopher H.},
  date = {2002-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Political Behavior},
  volume = {24},
  number = {2},
  pages = {151--170},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1023/A:1021278208671},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1021278208671},
  urldate = {2024-04-19},
  abstract = {This article constructs a rational choice model of the intergenerational transmission of party identification. At a given time, identification with a party is the estimate of average future benefits from candidates of that party. Experienced voters constantly update this expectation using political events since the last realignment to predict the future in accordance with Bayes Rule. New voters, however, have no experience of their own. In Bayesian terms, they need prior beliefs. It turns out that under certain specified conditions, these young voters should rationally choose to employ parental experience to help orient themselves to politics. The resulting model predicts several well–known features of political socialization, including the strong correlation between parents' and children's partisanship, the greater partisan independence of young voters, and the tendency of partisan alignments to decay.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Bayesian,party identification,party systems,political parties,retrospective voting,socialization},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\G6BUJGL4\Achen - 2002 - Parental Socialization and Rational Party Identifi.pdf}
}

@article{agerUnderstandingIntegrationConceptual2008,
  title = {Understanding {{Integration}}: {{A Conceptual Framework}}},
  shorttitle = {Understanding {{Integration}}},
  author = {Ager, Alastair and Strang, Alison},
  date = {2008-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Refugee Studies},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Refugee Studies},
  volume = {21},
  number = {2},
  pages = {166--191},
  issn = {0951-6328},
  doi = {10.1093/jrs/fen016},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fen016},
  urldate = {2025-06-17},
  abstract = {Integration has become both a key policy objective related to the resettlement of refugees and other migrants, and a matter of significant public discussion. Coherent policy development and productive public debate are, however, both threatened by the fact that the concept of integration is used with widely differing meanings. Based on review of attempted definitions of the term, related literature and primary fieldwork in settings of refugee settlement in the UK, the paper identifies elements central to perceptions of what constitutes ‘successful’ integration. Key domains of integration are proposed related to four overall themes: achievement and access across the sectors of employment, housing, education and health; assumptions and practice regarding citizenship and rights; processes of social connection within and between groups within the community; and structural barriers to such connection related to language, culture and the local environment. A framework linking these domains is presented as a tool to foster debate and definition regarding normative conceptions of integration in resettlement settings.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HWFD5E7C\Ager and Strang - 2008 - Understanding Integration A Conceptual Framework.pdf}
}

@report{ahlskogClassBackgroundReverses2022,
  type = {preprint},
  title = {Class Background Reverses the Effect of a Polygenic Index of Cognitive Performance on Economic Ideology},
  author = {Ahlskog, Rafael},
  date = {2022-12-14},
  institution = {Genomics},
  doi = {10.1101/2022.12.12.520104},
  url = {http://biorxiv.org/lookup/doi/10.1101/2022.12.12.520104},
  urldate = {2024-02-28},
  abstract = {Variation in political preferences is increasingly understood to stem from both environmental influences and genetics. Research has argued that a possible pathway for genetic effects on ideology is via cognitive performance, showing a genetic overlap between the traits. Yet, an unambiguous link between cognitive performance and economic policy preferences remains elusive, with results ranging from negative to positive effects on economic conservatism. In this study, I argue that this heterogeneity reflects an underlying gene-by-environment interaction. I depart from the assumption that cognitive performance, rather than being directly connected to a set of policy preferences, influences the capacity to correctly optimize those preferences. Combined with insights from standard models in political economics, this leads to the proposal that genetics associated with cognitive performance should cause more left-wing economic preferences if you grow up in relative poverty, but more right-wing preferences if you grow up in relative affluence. Utilizing variation in a polygenic index of cognitive performance within dizygotic twin pairs, coupled with unique register data on economic conditions for both the twins, their parents, and their childhood neighborhood, I show that the effect of the PGI on a finegrained measure of economic conservatism is zero on average, but indeed sizable and sign-discordant by class background. To my knowledge, this represents the first sign-discordant GxE finding for a socially relevant outcome, which has implications for future social science research using PGIs.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\VVVG3R92\Ahlskog - 2022 - Class background reverses the effect of a polygeni.pdf}
}

@article{ahlskogClassGenesRationality,
  title = {Class, {{Genes}} and {{Rationality}}: {{A GxE Approach}} to {{Ideology}}},
  author = {Ahlskog, Rafael},
  abstract = {Variation in political preferences is increasingly understood to stem from both environmental influences and genetics. Research has argued that a possible pathway for genetic effects on ideology is via cognitive performance, showing a genetic overlap between the traits. Yet, an unambiguous link between cognitive performance and economic policy preferences remains elusive, with results ranging from negative to positive effects on economic conservatism. In this study, I argue that this heterogeneity reflects an underlying gene-by-environment interaction (GxE). I make the argument that cognitive performance, rather than being directly connected to a set of policy preferences, should influence one’s capacity to correctly optimize those preferences. Combined with insights from established theories of political preference formation, this leads to the proposal that genetics associated with cognitive performance should cause more left-wing economic preferences if you grow up in relative poverty, but more right-wing preferences if you grow up in relative affluence. Utilizing variation in a polygenic index (PGI) of cognitive performance within dizygotic twin pairs, coupled with unique register data on economic conditions for both the twins, their parents, and their childhood neighborhood, I show that the effect of the PGI on a fine-grained measure of economic conservatism is zero on average, but indeed sizable and sign-discordant by class background. To my knowledge, this represents the first sign-discordant GxE finding for a socially relevant outcome. Furthermore, it shows the fruitfulness of the GxE approach for scholars in political behavior.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\M5P79NG7\Ahlskog - Class, Genes and Rationality A GxE Approach to Id.pdf}
}

@article{ahlskogClassGenesRationality2024,
  title = {Class, Genes, and Rationality: {{A}} Gene–Environment Interaction Approach to Ideology},
  shorttitle = {Class, Genes, and Rationality},
  author = {Ahlskog, Rafael},
  date = {2024-08-23},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  pages = {pops.13023},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.13023},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.13023},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  abstract = {Abstract             Variation in political preferences is increasingly understood to stem from both environmental influences and genetics. Research in political psychology has argued that a pathway for genetic effects on ideology is via cognitive performance, showing a sizable genetic overlap between the traits. Yet the link between actual trait cognitive performance and economic conservatism is itself highly ambiguous, with both positive, null, and negative estimates prevalent in the literature. In this study, I argue that this puzzle can only be understood from a gene–environment interaction (GxE) perspective. Drawing on traditional theories of political preference formation, I argue that genetics associated with cognitive performance should cause more left‐wing economic preferences if you grow up in relative poverty, but more right‐wing economic preferences if you grow up affluent. Utilizing variation in a polygenic index (PGI) of cognitive performance within dizygotic twin pairs, coupled with unique register data on economic conditions for the twins, their parents, and their childhood neighborhood, I show that the causal effect of the PGI on economic conservatism is zero on average, but indeed sizable and sign‐discordant by class background. The GxE perspective thus has wide‐ranging implications for future research attempting to integrate genetic methods into political psychology.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{ahlskogExtraversionProbablyDoes2023,
  title = {Extraversion {{Probably Does Not Cause Political Participation}}. {{Evidence}} from {{Two Genetically Informed Designs}}},
  author = {Ahlskog, Rafael},
  date = {2023-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {44},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1301--1318},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12901},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12901},
  urldate = {2024-04-23},
  abstract = {A substantial literature in political psychology has emphasized the importance of personality traits for understanding differences in political participation. One such trait is extraversion. However, the causal status of this relationship is complicated by a number of issues, not least genetic confounding stemming from the heritability of both personality traits and political participation. This study confirms the well-­ established naive relationship between extraversion and participation, but goes on with (a) a discordant MZ twin design and (b) a new approach using measured genetic variation, or a polygenic index, in the given trait (extraversion) to assess the causal nature of this relationship. First, utilizing variation in extraversion and participation within identical twin pairs shows that twins with higher extraversion do not participate more. Second, random variation within fraternal twin pairs in a polygenic index of extraversion does predict trait extraversion, but does not predict political participation. In summary, previously identified associations between extraversion and political participation are not likely to be causal, but instead reflect common underlying familial factors.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\EUIS8XB8\Ahlskog - 2023 - Extraversion Probably Does Not Cause Political Par.pdf}
}

@article{ahlskogExtraversionProbablyDoes2023a,
  title = {Extraversion {{Probably Does Not Cause Political Participation}}. {{Evidence}} from {{Two Genetically Informed Designs}}},
  author = {Ahlskog, Rafael},
  date = {2023-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {44},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1301--1318},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12901},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12901},
  urldate = {2024-08-30},
  abstract = {A substantial literature in political psychology has emphasized the importance of personality traits for understanding differences in political participation. One such trait is extraversion. However, the causal status of this relationship is complicated by a number of issues, not least genetic confounding stemming from the heritability of both personality traits and political participation. This study confirms the well-­ established naive relationship between extraversion and participation, but goes on with (a) a discordant MZ twin design and (b) a new approach using measured genetic variation, or a polygenic index, in the given trait (extraversion) to assess the causal nature of this relationship. First, utilizing variation in extraversion and participation within identical twin pairs shows that twins with higher extraversion do not participate more. Second, random variation within fraternal twin pairs in a polygenic index of extraversion does predict trait extraversion, but does not predict political participation. In summary, previously identified associations between extraversion and political participation are not likely to be causal, but instead reflect common underlying familial factors.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\B4EIW37E\Ahlskog - 2023 - Extraversion Probably Does Not Cause Political Par.pdf}
}

@article{ahlskogGeneticsPoliticalParticipation2025,
  title = {The {{Genetics}} of {{Political Participation}}: {{Leveraging Polygenic Indices}} to {{Advance Political Behavior Research}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Genetics}} of {{Political Participation}}},
  author = {Ahlskog, Rafael and Dawes, Christopher and Oskarsson, Sven and Weinschenk, Aaron},
  date = {2025-02-28},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  issn = {0190-9320, 1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-025-10020-y},
  url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-025-10020-y},
  urldate = {2025-05-05},
  abstract = {Previous research has found that political traits have some degree of genetic basis, but researchers have had less success unpacking the relationship between genes and political behavior. We propose an approach for examining this relationship that can overcome many of the limitations of previous research: polygenic indices (PGIs). PGIs are DNA-based individual-level variables that capture the genetic propensity to exhibit a given trait. We begin by outlining how PGIs are derived, how they can be utilized in conventional regression-based research, and how results should be interpreted. We then provide proof of concept, using data on over 50,000 individuals in four samples from the U.S. and Sweden to show that PGIs for health and psychological traits significantly predict measures of political participation, even within families. We conclude by outlining several ideas and providing empirical examples for researchers who may be interested in building on the PGI approach.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NYN9S2YA\Ahlskog et al. - 2025 - The Genetics of Political Participation Leveraging Polygenic Indices to Advance Political Behavior.pdf}
}

@article{alfordArePoliticalOrientations2005,
  title = {Are {{Political Orientations Genetically Transmitted}}?},
  author = {Alford, John R. and Funk, Carolyn L. and Hibbing, John R.},
  date = {2005-05},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  shortjournal = {Am Polit Sci Rev},
  volume = {99},
  number = {2},
  pages = {153--167},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055405051579},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055405051579/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {We test the possibility that political attitudes and behaviors are the result of both environmental and genetic factors. Employing standard methodological approaches in behavioral genetics—specifically, comparisons of the differential correlations of the attitudes of monozygotic twins and dizygotic twins—we analyze data drawn from a large sample of twins in the United States, supplemented with findings from twins in Australia. The results indicate that genetics plays an important role in shaping political attitudes and ideologies but a more modest role in forming party identification; as such, they call for finer distinctions in theorizing about the sources of political attitudes. We conclude by urging political scientists to incorporate genetic influences, specifically interactions between genetic heritability and social environment, into models of political attitude formation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\V3M5PPC4\Alford et al. - 2005 - Are Political Orientations Genetically Transmitted.pdf}
}

@incollection{allenPersonalityNeuroscienceFive2017,
  title = {Personality {{Neuroscience}} and the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Allen, Timothy A. and DeYoung, Colin G.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.26},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.26},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {Personality psychology seeks both to understand how individuals differ from one another in behavior, motivation, emotion, and cognition and to explain the causes of those differences. The goal of personality neuroscience is to identify the underlying sources of personality traits in neurobiological systems. This chapter reviews neuroscience research on the traits of the Five Factor Model (the Big Five: Extraversion, Neuroticism, Openness/Intellect, Conscientiousness, and Agreeableness). The review emphasizes the importance of theoretically informed neuroscience by framing results in light of a theory of the psychological functions underlying each of the Big Five. The chapter additionally reviews the various neuroscientific methods available for personality research and highlights pitfalls and best practices in personality neuroscience.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\LJNMSR4N\\Allen and DeYoung - 2017 - Personality Neuroscience and the Five Factor Model.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\WWJHQCHN\\211686820.html}
}

@incollection{allikUniversalSpecificFive2017,
  title = {Universal and {{Specific}} in the {{Five Factor Model}} of {{Personality}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Allik, Jüri and Realo, Anu},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.23},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.23},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {Personality psychologists—perhaps even more than in some other disciplines—are deeply interested in what is common to personality descriptions in all cultures and societies. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the potential universality of the Five Factor Model (FFM) of general personality structure. The chapter begins with a discussion of what is meant, or should be meant, by a universal. Discussed then is the empirical support, as well as the conceptual and empirical difficulty, in establishing universality in personality structure, for the FFM as well as other dimensional models. The chapter then considers different levels of analysis (including cultural and intraindividual analyses), higher-order invariants (including sex differences, age differences, and differences in perspective), and whether mean levels are universal. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the basis for personality universals, as well as addressing the common challenges to universality.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\F2XDH62Y\\Allik and Realo - 2017 - Universal and Specific in the Five Factor Model of.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\UK6HBZE2\\211683867.html}
}

@article{alvarezNewApproachModelling2000,
  title = {A {{New Approach}} for {{Modelling Strategic Voting}} in {{Multiparty Elections}}},
  author = {Alvarez, R. Michael and Nagler, Jonathan},
  date = {2000-01},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {30},
  number = {1},
  pages = {57--75},
  issn = {1469-2112, 0007-1234},
  doi = {10.1017/S000712340000003X},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/british-journal-of-political-science/article/new-approach-for-modelling-strategic-voting-in-multiparty-elections/D41FC80E3EB4C6B3D0C10386D48D00B6},
  urldate = {2024-09-10},
  abstract = {Whether citizens vote strategically, using their votes to defeat their least-preferred candidate, or vote sincerely, voting for their first choice among the alternatives, is a question of longstanding interest. We offer two innovations in searching for the answer to this question. First, we begin with a more consistent model of sincere voting in multiparty democratic systems than has been presented in the literature to date. Secondly, we incorporate a new operationalization of the objective potential for strategic behaviour. We offer a test of strategic voting in the 1987 British general election based on the variance in strategic setting across constituencies in Britain. We allow voters to use available information about the relative standings of parties in their constituency in deciding whether or not to cast a strategic vote. We estimate a lower level of strategic voting than many other methods have estimated. We also demonstrate that the use of self-reported vote motivation causes errors in estimating the amount of strategic voting, and that this problem is exacerbated the further from the election the self-report is obtained.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5G89NNGB\Alvarez and Nagler - 2000 - A New Approach for Modelling Strategic Voting in M.pdf}
}

@article{alvarezStrategicVotingBritish2006,
  title = {Strategic Voting in {{British}} Elections},
  author = {Alvarez, R. Michael and Boehmke, Frederick J. and Nagler, Jonathan},
  date = {2006-03-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {25},
  number = {1},
  pages = {1--19},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2005.02.008},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379405000260},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  abstract = {In this paper we examine the extent to which voters engage in strategic behavior. Our contribution is accounting for the context in which voters have the opportunity to behave in a strategic fashion. We also demonstrate that previous measures of strategic voting significantly underestimated the willingness of voters to engage in strategic behavior when presented with the opportunity to do so. We use as cases for our study of strategic voting behavior two recent elections in Britain, the 1987 and 1997 general elections. Our analysis produces estimates of strategic voting in these elections that are substantially greater than reported in previous research.},
  keywords = {British elections,Strategic voting,Tactical voting},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8UUZ9WNH\S0261379405000260.html}
}

@article{andreQualityRepresentationSatisfaction2017,
  title = {The {{Quality}} of {{Representation}} and {{Satisfaction}} with {{Democracy}}: {{The Consequences}} of {{Citizen-Elite Policy}} and {{Process Congruence}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Quality}} of {{Representation}} and {{Satisfaction}} with {{Democracy}}},
  author = {André, Audrey and Depauw, Sam},
  date = {2017-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {39},
  number = {2},
  pages = {377--397},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-016-9360-x},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-016-9360-x},
  urldate = {2024-11-28},
  abstract = {Citizen-elite congruence has long been considered an important yardstick for the quality of democracy. The literature on citizen satisfaction with democracy, however, has reduced congruence almost exclusively to one of its components, policy congruence. Just as citizens are considered to have positions on policy issues, there is growing scholarly interest in the preferences they have about the process of representation. Yet studies inquiring into the impact of the divergent preferences that~citizens and elites have regarding the representational process thus far have been few~and their results inconclusive. Combining new, unique data from the 2014 Belgian Election and Candidate Studies, we seek to address this lacuna. Our findings indicate that we cannot understand citizen satisfaction without also taking process into account—even as the policy gap has the greater effect. They should be of interest to scholars of democracy, those concerned about citizen disengagement from politics, and political practitioners.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Policy congruence,Political representation,Process preferences,Satisfaction with democracy},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LMY2W5PF\André and Depauw - 2017 - The Quality of Representation and Satisfaction wit.pdf}
}

@article{appelShortMeasureNeed2012,
  title = {A {{Short Measure}} of the {{Need}} for {{Affect}}},
  author = {Appel, Markus and Gnambs, Timo and Maio, Gregory R.},
  date = {2012-07},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality Assessment},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Personality Assessment},
  volume = {94},
  number = {4},
  pages = {418--426},
  issn = {0022-3891, 1532-7752},
  doi = {10.1080/00223891.2012.666921},
  url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00223891.2012.666921},
  urldate = {2025-10-11},
  abstract = {Two studies are presented to introduce a 10-item short form of the Need for Affect Questionnaire (NAQ-S; cf. Maio \& Esses, 2001). Study 1 was based on four independent samples (German or English language; Ntotal = 2151) and demonstrated the expected factorial structure of the NAQ-S, its measurement invariance with respect to gender, age, and education, and the predicted associations with relevant personality measures. A latent state-trait analysis conducted in Study 2 (N = 140) suggests that most of the reliable variance of the NAQ-S represents stable individual differences.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\MKE86GWY\Appel et al. - 2012 - A Short Measure of the Need for Affect.pdf}
}

@article{arceneauxAnchoringPoliticalPreferences2024,
  title = {Anchoring {{Political Preferences}}: {{The Psychological Foundations}} of {{Status Quo Bias}} and the {{Boundaries}} of {{Elite Manipulation}}},
  shorttitle = {Anchoring {{Political Preferences}}},
  author = {Arceneaux, Kevin and Nicholson, Stephen P.},
  date = {2024-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {46},
  number = {2},
  pages = {751--775},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-022-09847-6},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-022-09847-6},
  urldate = {2025-02-01},
  abstract = {Public policy is often about numbers that affect people’s lives in fundamental ways. Given the central importance of numbers, we examine anchoring, a heuristic in which people are influenced by an initial number in expressing a preference. Across a series of experiments and three unique surveys, we find evidence of anchoring effects, but not uniformly so. In contrast to experiments in psychology and behavioral economics, we find no evidence that irrelevant or arbitrary anchors shape policy preferences. Yet, when provided politically relevant anchors that clearly correspond to the policy proposal, we find evidence of strong effects, even in the face of party cues or in the absence of a status quo policy point. Taken together, our results demonstrate that there is a psychological explanation for why the status quo occupies a powerful position in policy debates as well as why agenda setting is so influential.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Anchoring heuristic,Citizen competence,Party cues,Policy attitudes,Policy process,Public opinion},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6GJQVKHL\Arceneaux and Nicholson - 2024 - Anchoring Political Preferences The Psychological Foundations of Status Quo Bias and the Boundaries.pdf}
}

@article{arceneauxCanPartisanCues2008,
  title = {Can {{Partisan Cues Diminish Democratic Accountability}}?},
  author = {Arceneaux, Kevin},
  date = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  volume = {30},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {40213310},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {139--160},
  publisher = {Springer},
  issn = {0190-9320},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/40213310},
  urldate = {2025-10-07},
  abstract = {When evaluating political candidates, citizens can draw on partisan stereotypes and use partisan cues to make inferences about the candidates' issue positions without undertaking a costly information search. As long as candidates adopt policy positions that are congruent with partisan stereotypes, partisan cues can help citizens make an accurate voting decision with limited information. However, if candidates take counter-stereotypical positions, it is incumbent upon citizens to recognize it and adjust their evaluations accordingly. Using the dual-processing framework, I hypothesize about the conditions under which individuals reduce their reliance on partisan cues and scrutinize counter-stereotypical messages, and test these hypotheses with experimental data collected from a nationally representative sample of adults. The findings show that whether individuals punish a candidate from their party for taking a counter-stereotypical position is contingent on the salience of the issue and the political awareness of the message recipient. The article concludes with a discussion of the theoretical and normative implications of these findings.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\PITXS9IS\Arceneaux - 2008 - Can Partisan Cues Diminish Democratic Accountability.pdf}
}

@article{arceneauxEffectsNeedCognition2013,
  title = {The {{Effects}} of {{Need}} for {{Cognition}} and {{Need}} for {{Affect}} on {{Partisan Evaluations}}},
  author = {Arceneaux, Kevin and Vander Wielen, Ryan J.},
  date = {2013-02},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {34},
  number = {1},
  pages = {23--42},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00925.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00925.x},
  urldate = {2024-04-16},
  abstract = {The voting behavior literature has advanced two prominent theoretical models of partisanship: the social psychological and rational models. Implicit to both stylized models is the assumption that all partisans process information similarly. Yet, growing research in psychology suggests that individuals possess different motivations when evaluating information. We propose that the applicability of the stylized models of partisanship is conditioned on individuals’ need for cognition (NFC) and need for affect (NFA), with the social psychological model being most applicable to individuals who have a high NFA and the rational model most applicable to those with a high NFC. To test this proposition, we fielded a survey in which respondents who identified with the two major political parties in the United States (Democrat or Republican) were randomly assigned factual information that depicted either their party or their opposing party in a negative light. Respondents were then asked to assess the actions of that party and subsequently evaluate both political parties. We find evidence that is generally consistent with the proposition that the stylized models of partisanship are conditionally dependent on the extent to which individuals possess a need to engage in effortful thinking or a need to seek out emotions.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\32FHGZEK\Arceneaux and Vander Wielen - 2013 - The Effects of Need for Cognition and Need for Aff.pdf}
}

@article{arceneauxEffectsNeedCognition2013a,
  title = {The {{Effects}} of {{Need}} for {{Cognition}} and {{Need}} for {{Affect}} on {{Partisan Evaluations}}},
  author = {Arceneaux, Kevin and Vander Wielen, Ryan J.},
  date = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {34},
  number = {1},
  pages = {23--42},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00925.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00925.x},
  urldate = {2025-10-07},
  abstract = {The voting behavior literature has advanced two prominent theoretical models of partisanship: the social psychological and rational models. Implicit to both stylized models is the assumption that all partisans process information similarly. Yet, growing research in psychology suggests that individuals possess different motivations when evaluating information. We propose that the applicability of the stylized models of partisanship is conditioned on individuals' need for cognition (NFC) and need for affect (NFA), with the social psychological model being most applicable to individuals who have a high NFA and the rational model most applicable to those with a high NFC. To test this proposition, we fielded a survey in which respondents who identified with the two major political parties in the United States (Democrat or Republican) were randomly assigned factual information that depicted either their party or their opposing party in a negative light. Respondents were then asked to assess the actions of that party and subsequently evaluate both political parties. We find evidence that is generally consistent with the proposition that the stylized models of partisanship are conditionally dependent on the extent to which individuals possess a need to engage in effortful thinking or a need to seek out emotions.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {information processing,motivated reasoning,need for affect,need for cognition,partisanship,party evaluation},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HKD5ZMEW\Arceneaux and Vander Wielen - 2013 - The Effects of Need for Cognition and Need for Affect on Partisan Evaluations.pdf}
}

@online{AreNeedsManage,
  title = {Are {{Needs}} to {{Manage Uncertainty}} and {{Threat Associated With Political Conservatism}} or {{Ideological Extremity}}?},
  doi = {10.1177/0146167207301028},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/0146167207301028},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\4DZVDYVP\Are Needs to Manage Uncertainty and Threat Associated With Political Conservatism or Ideological Ext.pdf}
}

@article{back11IntroductionParty,
  title = {11 {{Introduction}}: {{The Party System}} },
  author = {Bäck, Hanna and Erlingsson, Gissur Ó},
  abstract = {This introduction to the section on the party system in Sweden starts with the premise that political parties are essential for the upholding of legitimacy in parliamentary democracies. Four chapters make up the section. The rst focuses on the changing Swedish party system, where Social Democrats historically have held an exceptionally strong position, which has weakened during recent years. The second analyzes the parties’ internal organizational structure, suggesting that although Swedish parties have become more professionalized, and the ‘mass party’ has faded away, this does not imply they have become internally less democratic. The third chapter focuses on representation, arguing that Swedish parties today face a more complex environment than before, with more diversity among representatives. The concluding chapter suggests that some features of Swedish cabinets stand out in a comparative perspective, with many single-party minority governments, where the Social Democrats have ruled with the help of ‘support party coalitions’.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JNR5K5U7\Bäck and Erlingsson - 11 Introduction The Party System .pdf}
}

@book{backPartiesGovernmentFormation2016,
  title = {The {{Parties}} in {{Government Formation}}},
  author = {Bäck, Hanna and Bergman, Torbjörn},
  editor = {Pierre, Jon},
  date = {2016-06-02},
  volume = {1},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.12},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/34477/chapter/292532421},
  urldate = {2024-03-13},
  abstract = {This chapter focuses on the role of political parties in the government formation process. Swedish governments have had a clear-cut bloc political character, with the “socialist” parties in one camp and the “nonsocialist” parties in the other. Other features of the historical record also stand out. One example is that many postwar governments have been minority cabinets, often single-party governments. These have often been Social Democratic. The Social Democrats have ruled with the support of the Left Party and, more recently, the Greens. In the period 1998–2006, there were even written policy agreements (contracts) between the governing Social Democrats and the two “support” parties. When coalitions form, the parties divide the ministerial portfolios in a way that is proportional to the size of each party, and during the last decades a gender balance in the cabinet has become an explicit ambition.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\93JVIUE7\Bäck and Bergman - 2016 - The Parties in Government Formation.pdf}
}

@incollection{bagbyAxisDisorders2017,
  title = {Axis {{I Disorders}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Bagby, R. Michael and Uliaszek, Amanda A. and Gralnick, Tara M. and Al-Dajani, Nadia},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.5},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.5},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {The purpose of this chapter is to summarize and discuss the complex relationship between Five Factor Model (FFM) personality traits and clinical (Axis I) psychopathology, including depressive, bipolar, anxiety, obsessive–compulsive, eating, schizophrenia and psychotic, trauma and stress-related, and substance use disorders. Considered herein will be the alternative forms of relationship, including vulnerability, common cause, pathoplasty, complication/scar, and spectrum. This chapter will highlight the necessity for well-designed, longitudinal studies aimed at elucidating the complex relationships between the FFM and clinical disorders. Consistent research supports Neuroticism as a vulnerability factor to certain disorders, even sharing genetic etiology. However, there are also important contributions for each of the other four domains. The majority of this research is in the area of mood and anxiety disorders. Expanding these studies to include other forms of psychopathology could help identify common personality vulnerabilities to psychopathology, as well as unique predictors of certain constellations of symptoms.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\5AVSQ48N\\Bagby et al. - 2017 - Axis I Disorders.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\C78RYGYA\\211689434.html}
}

@article{bakkerPersonalityTraitsParty2015,
  title = {Personality Traits and Party Identification over Time},
  author = {Bakker, Bert N. and Hopmann, David Nicolas and Persson, Mikael},
  date = {2015-05},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  shortjournal = {European J Political Res},
  volume = {54},
  number = {2},
  pages = {197--215},
  issn = {0304-4130, 1475-6765},
  doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12070},
  url = {https://ejpr.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1475-6765.12070},
  urldate = {2024-04-15},
  abstract = {Why do some people stably identify with a party while others do not? This study tests whether and how the direction, stability and strength of party identification are associated with big five personality traits, using panel data from a representative sample of German citizens. First, the study confirms that personality traits are related to identification with different political parties. Second, it moves beyond previous research by showing that personality traits are related to the strength and variation in party identification over time. The implications of the study for the classical perspectives on party identification, as well as the personality and politics literature, are discussed.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2KSGJPWR\Bakker et al. - 2015 - Personality traits and party identification over t.pdf}
}

@article{bakkerPuttingAffectAffective2024,
  title = {Putting the Affect into Affective Polarisation},
  author = {Bakker, Bert N. and Lelkes, Yphtach},
  date = {2024-05-18},
  journaltitle = {Cognition and Emotion},
  volume = {38},
  number = {4},
  eprint = {38847476},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {418--436},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0269-9931},
  doi = {10.1080/02699931.2024.2362366},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2024.2362366},
  urldate = {2025-11-04},
  abstract = {While many believe that affective polarisation poses a significant threat to democratic stability, the definition and operationalisation of the concept varies greatly. This leads to conceptual slippage as well as imprecise tests of the causes and consequences of affective polarisation. In order to clearly identify and target its micro-foundations, we must understand the degree to which political divides are, in fact, affective. In this paper, we do so. We begin by delineating affective polarisation, a social divide that is purportedly distinct from policy-based disagreements. Subsequently, we explore the influence of emotions in politics, including how affect is conceptualised within the framework of polarisation. Where possible, our literature review is supplemented with analyses of existing datasets to support our points. The paper concludes by proposing a series of questions emotion researchers could address in the study of polarisation.},
  keywords = {Affective polarisation,core affect,discrete emotions,physiology},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\I2FJEG58\Bakker and Lelkes - 2024 - Putting the affect into affective polarisation.pdf}
}

@article{bakkerStayLoyalExit2016,
  title = {Stay {{Loyal}} or {{Exit}} the {{Party}}? {{How Openness}} to {{Experience}} and {{Extroversion Explain Vote Switching}}},
  shorttitle = {Stay {{Loyal}} or {{Exit}} the {{Party}}?},
  author = {Bakker, Bert N. and Klemmensen, Robert and Nørgaard, Asbjørn Sonne and Schumacher, Gijs},
  date = {2016-06},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {37},
  number = {3},
  pages = {419--429},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12257},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12257},
  urldate = {2024-04-15},
  abstract = {Following Hirschman, voters who are discontent with the party they voted for have two options: exit the party and vote for another or stay loyal. The inclination to exit or stay loyal is rooted in the Five Factor Model (FFM) of personality. We test our argument in two panel studies in Denmark and the United Kingdom. We find that citizens open to experience are more likely to switch parties since they are more likely to think about alternatives and take risks. Extroverts identify and commit themselves to organizations and stay loyal in Denmark, but we do not confirm this pattern in the United Kingdom. Our findings demonstrate that electoral volatility is, at least partly, rooted in personality.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\K5F5HG58\Bakker et al. - 2016 - Stay Loyal or Exit the Party How Openness to Expe.pdf}
}

@article{bankertMeasuringPartisanshipSocial2017,
  title = {Measuring {{Partisanship}} as a {{Social Identity}} in {{Multi-Party Systems}}},
  author = {Bankert, Alexa and Huddy, Leonie and Rosema, Martin},
  date = {2017-03},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {39},
  number = {1},
  pages = {103--132},
  issn = {0190-9320, 1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-016-9349-5},
  url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-016-9349-5},
  urldate = {2024-03-18},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ADWZWSW7\Bankert et al. - 2017 - Measuring Partisanship as a Social Identity in Mul.pdf}
}

@article{bankertNegativePositivePartisanship2021,
  title = {Negative and {{Positive Partisanship}} in the 2016 {{U}}.{{S}}. {{Presidential Elections}}},
  author = {Bankert, Alexa},
  date = {2021-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {43},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1467--1485},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-020-09599-1},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-020-09599-1},
  urldate = {2025-11-04},
  abstract = {Negative partisanship captures the notion that disdain for the opposing party is not necessarily accompanied by strong in-party attachments. Yet, lack of a theoretical framework as well as measurement issues have prevented researchers from utilizing this consequential concept. I address these concerns in several ways. First, I design and examine the measurement properties of a multi-item scale that gauges negative partisan identity. Second, I demonstrate that—while most Americans display aspects of both negative and positive partisan identity—the two are distinct constructs. Third, I compare the power of both types of partisan identity in predicting attitudes towards bipartisanship, political participation, and vote choice. I thereby demonstrate the distinctive effects of negative and positive partisan identity on a range of political behaviors. The results offer a more nuanced perspective on partisanship and its role in driving affective polarization.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Bipartisanship,Identity,Measurement,Negativity,Partisanship,Voting},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\P95GPC25\Bankert - 2021 - Negative and Positive Partisanship in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Elections.pdf}
}

@article{bankertNegativePositivePartisanship2021a,
  title = {Negative and {{Positive Partisanship}} in the 2016 {{U}}.{{S}}. {{Presidential Elections}}},
  author = {Bankert, Alexa},
  date = {2021-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {43},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1467--1485},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-020-09599-1},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-020-09599-1},
  urldate = {2025-11-12},
  abstract = {Negative partisanship captures the notion that disdain for the opposing party is not necessarily accompanied by strong in-party attachments. Yet, lack of a theoretical framework as well as measurement issues have prevented researchers from utilizing this consequential concept. I address these concerns in several ways. First, I design and examine the measurement properties of a multi-item scale that gauges negative partisan identity. Second, I demonstrate that—while most Americans display aspects of both negative and positive partisan identity—the two are distinct constructs. Third, I compare the power of both types of partisan identity in predicting attitudes towards bipartisanship, political participation, and vote choice. I thereby demonstrate the distinctive effects of negative and positive partisan identity on a range of political behaviors. The results offer a more nuanced perspective on partisanship and its role in driving affective polarization.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Bipartisanship,Identity,Measurement,Negativity,Partisanship,Voting},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\AEBWFZ98\Bankert - 2021 - Negative and Positive Partisanship in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Elections.pdf}
}

@incollection{bankertOriginsEffectNegative2020,
  title = {The Origins and Effect of Negative Partisanship},
  booktitle = {Research {{Handbook}} on {{Political Partisanship}}},
  author = {Bankert, Alexa},
  editor = {Oscarsson, Henrik and Holmberg, Sören},
  date = {2020-05-14},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  doi = {10.4337/9781788111997.00012},
  url = {https://china.elgaronline.com/view/edcoll/9781788111980/9781788111980.00012.xml},
  urldate = {2024-03-18},
  isbn = {978-1-78811-199-7 978-1-78811-198-0},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6CUHVXY3\Bankert - 2020 - The origins and effect of negative partisanship.pdf}
}

@inbook{bankertPartisanIdentityPolitical2020,
  title = {Partisan {{Identity}} and {{Political Decision Making}}},
  booktitle = {Oxford {{Research Encyclopedia}} of {{Politics}}},
  author = {Bankert, Alexa},
  date = {2020-05-29},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1027},
  url = {https://oxfordre.com/politics/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-1027},
  urldate = {2024-04-02},
  abstract = {Democracy depends upon citizens’ ability and motivation to make political decisions: the decision to turn out and vote, to protest, or simply to support or oppose certain policies. Political scientists have dedicated significant attention to the study of individual political decision-making. This type of research was primarily shaped by the rational choice paradigm, which assumes the individual acts as a rational agent and attempts to explain and predict political behavior by examining the costs and benefits associated with it. This approach, however, does not account for people’s decision to become politically active in the face of high costs and low returns. Whereas some researchers have tried to further develop rational choice theory by expanding its parameters, political psychologists have explored alternative avenues including genetics, neuroscience, and personality and social psychology. Social psychology in particular has gained recognition among political scientists as the concept of social identity has spread throughout the discipline.},
  bookauthor = {Bankert, Alexa},
  isbn = {978-0-19-022863-7},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\A8E32UME\Bankert - 2020 - Partisan Identity and Political Decision Making.pdf}
}

@article{bankertPersonalityOriginsPositive2022,
  title = {The {{Personality Origins}} of {{Positive}} and {{Negative Partisanship}}},
  author = {Bankert, Alexa},
  date = {2022-11-23},
  journaltitle = {Politics and Governance},
  shortjournal = {PaG},
  volume = {10},
  number = {4},
  issn = {2183-2463},
  doi = {10.17645/pag.v10i4.5719},
  url = {https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5719},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  abstract = {Negative partisanship describes the intense disdain for a rival political party. A growing number of political scientists in the US and beyond examine the impact of negative partisanship on citizens’ political behavior, asserting the notion that negative partisanship exerts a strong influence, either on its own or in combination with positive partisanship. Yet we know little about the psychological origins of negative and positive partisanship: Which personality traits are associated with high levels of negative partisanship, and do they differ from the ones that have been linked to positive partisanship? In this article, I address these questions. Utilizing a sample of US adults and a sample of Swedish adults, I examine the influence of prominent personality traits—including Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation, the Need for Closure, and the Big Five—on strong negative and positive partisanship. I demonstrate that the personality origins of positive and negative partisanship differ not just across the two samples but also across partisans on the left and on the right. I conclude the article with implications for research on polarization and a plea for more comparative work on (positive and negative) partisanship.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\4HL5SAUG\Bankert - 2022 - The Personality Origins of Positive and Negative P.pdf}
}

@article{barberDoesIssueImportance2024,
  title = {Does Issue Importance Attenuate Partisan Cue-Taking?},
  author = {Barber, Michael and Pope, Jeremy C.},
  date = {2024-04},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  volume = {12},
  number = {2},
  pages = {435--443},
  issn = {2049-8470, 2049-8489},
  doi = {10.1017/psrm.2023.28},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/political-science-research-and-methods/article/does-issue-importance-attenuate-partisan-cuetaking/556415944D298A98E9BE01C22800423C},
  urldate = {2025-10-17},
  abstract = {Are cues from party leaders so important that they can cause individuals to change their own issue positions to align with the party's position? Recent work on the importance of party cues suggests they do, especially given the literature on partisanship as a strong and persistent group identity. However, in this paper we test the limits of those partisan cues. Using a unique two-wave panel survey design we find that the effect of party cues is moderated by the prior level of importance individuals place on an issue. We find that when a person believes an issue area to be more important, party cues are less likely to move that citizen's position, particularly when the cue goes against partisan ideological norms. Our results show evidence that an individual's own issue positions—at least the important ones—can be resilient in the face of party cues.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {American politics,voting behavior},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\SH4TQ3I7\Barber and Pope - 2024 - Does issue importance attenuate partisan cue-taking.pdf}
}

@article{barberDoesIssueImportance2024a,
  title = {Does Issue Importance Attenuate Partisan Cue-Taking?},
  author = {Barber, Michael and Pope, Jeremy C.},
  date = {2024-04},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  volume = {12},
  number = {2},
  pages = {435--443},
  issn = {2049-8470, 2049-8489},
  doi = {10.1017/psrm.2023.28},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/political-science-research-and-methods/article/does-issue-importance-attenuate-partisan-cuetaking/556415944D298A98E9BE01C22800423C},
  urldate = {2025-10-20},
  abstract = {Are cues from party leaders so important that they can cause individuals to change their own issue positions to align with the party's position? Recent work on the importance of party cues suggests they do, especially given the literature on partisanship as a strong and persistent group identity. However, in this paper we test the limits of those partisan cues. Using a unique two-wave panel survey design we find that the effect of party cues is moderated by the prior level of importance individuals place on an issue. We find that when a person believes an issue area to be more important, party cues are less likely to move that citizen's position, particularly when the cue goes against partisan ideological norms. Our results show evidence that an individual's own issue positions—at least the important ones—can be resilient in the face of party cues.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {American politics,voting behavior},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6E6XNLHE\Barber and Pope - 2024 - Does issue importance attenuate partisan cue-taking.pdf}
}

@article{barberDoesPartyTrump2019,
  title = {Does {{Party Trump Ideology}}? {{Disentangling Party}} and {{Ideology}} in {{America}}},
  shorttitle = {Does {{Party Trump Ideology}}?},
  author = {Barber, Michael and Pope, Jeremy C.},
  date = {2019-02},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {113},
  number = {1},
  pages = {38--54},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000795},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/does-party-trump-ideology-disentangling-party-and-ideology-in-america/B5BAD0AE947BD3CF18D51D399263C8D3},
  urldate = {2025-10-20},
  abstract = {Are people conservative (liberal) because they are Republicans (Democrats)? Or is it the reverse: people are Republicans (Democrats) because they are conservatives (liberals)? Though much has been said about this long-standing question, it is difficult to test because the concepts are nearly impossible to disentangle in modern America. Ideology and partisanship are highly correlated, only growing more so over time. However, the election of President Trump presents a unique opportunity to disentangle party attachment from ideological commitment. Using a research design that employs actual “conservative” and “liberal” policy statements from President Trump, we find that low-knowledge respondents, strong Republicans, Trump-approving respondents, and self-described conservatives are the most likely to behave like party loyalists by accepting the Trump cue—in either a liberal or conservative direction. These results suggest that there are a large number of party loyalists in the United States, that their claims to being a self-defined conservative are suspect, and that group loyalty is the stronger motivator of opinion than are any ideological principles.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\685SPZIU\Barber and Pope - 2019 - Does Party Trump Ideology Disentangling Party and Ideology in America.pdf}
}

@article{barcellosEducationCanReduce2018,
  title = {Education Can Reduce Health Differences Related to Genetic Risk of Obesity},
  author = {Barcellos, Silvia H. and Carvalho, Leandro S. and Turley, Patrick},
  date = {2018-10-16},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.},
  volume = {115},
  number = {42},
  issn = {0027-8424, 1091-6490},
  doi = {10.1073/pnas.1802909115},
  url = {https://pnas.org/doi/full/10.1073/pnas.1802909115},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {This work investigates whether genetic makeup moderates the effects of education on health. Low statistical power and endogenous measures of environment have been obstacles to the credible estimation of such gene-by-environment interactions. We overcome these obstacles by combining a natural experiment that generated variation in secondary education with polygenic scores for a quarter-million individuals. The additional schooling affected body size, lung function, and blood pressure in middle age. The improvements in body size and lung function were larger for individuals with high genetic predisposition to obesity. As a result, education reduced the gap in unhealthy body size between those in the top and bottom terciles of genetic risk of obesity from 20 to 6 percentage points.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\XS5RQMKU\Barcellos et al. - 2018 - Education can reduce health differences related to.pdf}
}

@article{barcellosEducationCanReduce2018,
  title = {Education Can Reduce Health Differences Related to Genetic Risk of Obesity},
  author = {Barcellos, Silvia H. and Carvalho, Leandro S. and Turley, Patrick},
  date = {2018-10-16},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.},
  volume = {115},
  number = {42},
  issn = {0027-8424, 1091-6490},
  doi = {10.1073/pnas.1802909115},
  url = {https://pnas.org/doi/full/10.1073/pnas.1802909115},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {This work investigates whether genetic makeup moderates the effects of education on health. Low statistical power and endogenous measures of environment have been obstacles to the credible estimation of such gene-by-environment interactions. We overcome these obstacles by combining a natural experiment that generated variation in secondary education with polygenic scores for a quarter-million individuals. The additional schooling affected body size, lung function, and blood pressure in middle age. The improvements in body size and lung function were larger for individuals with high genetic predisposition to obesity. As a result, education reduced the gap in unhealthy body size between those in the top and bottom terciles of genetic risk of obesity from 20 to 6 percentage points.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FQ6Z3HN7\Barcellos et al. - 2018 - Education can reduce health differences related to.pdf}
}

@article{barcellosEducationCanReduce2018,
  title = {Education Can Reduce Health Differences Related to Genetic Risk of Obesity},
  author = {Barcellos, Silvia H. and Carvalho, Leandro S. and Turley, Patrick},
  date = {2018-10-16},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.},
  volume = {115},
  number = {42},
  issn = {0027-8424, 1091-6490},
  doi = {10.1073/pnas.1802909115},
  url = {https://pnas.org/doi/full/10.1073/pnas.1802909115},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {This work investigates whether genetic makeup moderates the effects of education on health. Low statistical power and endogenous measures of environment have been obstacles to the credible estimation of such gene-by-environment interactions. We overcome these obstacles by combining a natural experiment that generated variation in secondary education with polygenic scores for a quarter-million individuals. The additional schooling affected body size, lung function, and blood pressure in middle age. The improvements in body size and lung function were larger for individuals with high genetic predisposition to obesity. As a result, education reduced the gap in unhealthy body size between those in the top and bottom terciles of genetic risk of obesity from 20 to 6 percentage points.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NRE4LBBU\Barcellos et al. - 2018 - Education can reduce health differences related to.pdf}
}

@article{baronModeratormediatorVariableDistinction1986,
  title = {The Moderator-Mediator Variable Distinction in Social Psychological Research: Conceptual, Strategic, and Statistical Considerations},
  shorttitle = {The Moderator-Mediator Variable Distinction in Social Psychological Research},
  author = {Baron, R. M. and Kenny, D. A.},
  date = {1986-12},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  shortjournal = {J Pers Soc Psychol},
  volume = {51},
  number = {6},
  eprint = {3806354},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {1173--1182},
  issn = {0022-3514},
  doi = {10.1037//0022-3514.51.6.1173},
  abstract = {In this article, we attempt to distinguish between the properties of moderator and mediator variables at a number of levels. First, we seek to make theorists and researchers aware of the importance of not using the terms moderator and mediator interchangeably by carefully elaborating, both conceptually and strategically, the many ways in which moderators and mediators differ. We then go beyond this largely pedagogical function and delineate the conceptual and strategic implications of making use of such distinctions with regard to a wide range of phenomena, including control and stress, attitudes, and personality traits. We also provide a specific compendium of analytic procedures appropriate for making the most effective use of the moderator and mediator distinction, both separately and in terms of a broader causal system that includes both moderators and mediators.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Attitude,Behavior,Humans,Models Psychological,Personality,Psychology Social,Research,Statistics as Topic}
}

@article{bartlePoliticalAwarenessOpinion2000,
  title = {Political {{Awareness}}, {{Opinion Constraint}} and the {{Stability}} of {{Ideological Positions}}},
  author = {Bartle, John},
  date = {2000-06},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  shortjournal = {Political Studies},
  volume = {48},
  number = {3},
  pages = {467--484},
  issn = {0032-3217, 1467-9248},
  doi = {10.1111/1467-9248.00270},
  url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1111/1467-9248.00270},
  urldate = {2024-09-04},
  abstract = {Some studies of public opinion suggest that most people are ignorant about the detail of politics and are simply unable to arrive at a considered vote. They hold that voters are ignorant about the ideological substance of politics, since their opinions do not appear to be constrained by ideas and are unstable over time. However, other studies cast doubt on both the definition of ideology employed in these studies and their operational measures. It is suggested that, once allowance is made for measurement error, the opinions of most voters are constrained and highly stable. This article demonstrates that differences in political awareness result in considerable heterogeneity among the electorate. The opinions of more aware voters are subject to greater constraint and are more stable over time than those of less aware voters. It is therefore suggested that issue-voting models must be applied with caution to less aware voters.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\VTMM399J\Bartle - 2000 - Political Awareness, Opinion Constraint and the St.pdf}
}

@article{bassiliStrengthRelatedAttitudeProperties2000,
  title = {Do {{Strength-Related Attitude Properties Determine Susceptibility}} to {{Response Effects}}? {{New Evidence From Response Latency}}, {{Attitude Extremity}}, and {{Aggregate Indices}}},
  shorttitle = {Do {{Strength-Related Attitude Properties Determine Susceptibility}} to {{Response Effects}}?},
  author = {Bassili, John N. and Krosnick, Jon A.},
  date = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {21},
  number = {1},
  pages = {107--132},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/0162-895X.00179},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/0162-895X.00179},
  urldate = {2024-08-20},
  abstract = {A great deal of research has shown that small changes in question wording, format, orordering can sometimes substantially alter people's reports of their attitudes. Althoughmany scholars have presumed that these so-called response effects are likely to be morepronounced when the attitudes being measured are weak, a number of studies have disconfirmedthis notion. This paper presents several new tests of this hypothesis using a variety of measuresand analytic techniques. The findings largely replicated previously documented effects andnon-effects but also uncovered new effects not previously tested. No single strength-relatedattitude attribute emerged as a consistent moderator of all response effects. Rather, differentindividual attributes moderated different effects, and a conglomeration of strength-relateddimensions did not emerge as a reliable moderator. Taken together, these results support theconclusions that different response effects occur as the result of different cognitive processes,and that various strength-related attitude attributes reflect distinct latent constructs rather than asingle one.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {attitude strength,Response effects,response latency},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\J6KJCL6E\\Bassili and Krosnick - 2000 - Do Strength-Related Attitude Properties Determine .pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\EABVHGFC\\0162-895X.html}
}

@article{bassiliStrengthRelatedAttitudeProperties2000a,
  title = {Do {{Strength-Related Attitude Properties Determine Susceptibility}} to {{Response Effects}}? {{New Evidence}} from {{Response Latency}}, {{Attitude Extremity}}, and {{Aggregate Indices}}},
  shorttitle = {Do {{Strength-Related Attitude Properties Determine Susceptibility}} to {{Response Effects}}?},
  author = {Bassili, John N. and Krosnick, Jon A.},
  date = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {21},
  number = {1},
  eprint = {3792066},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {107--132},
  publisher = {[International Society of Political Psychology, Wiley]},
  issn = {0162-895X},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/3792066},
  urldate = {2025-03-20},
  abstract = {A great deal of research has shown that small changes in question wording, format, or ordering can sometimes substantially alter people's reports of their attitudes. Although many scholars have presumed that these so-called response effects are likely to be more pronounced when the attitudes being measured are weak, a number of studies have disconfirmed this notion. This paper presents several new tests of this hypothesis using a variety of measures and analytic techniques. The findings largely replicated previously documented effects and non-effects but also uncovered new effects not previously tested. No single strength-related attitude attribute emerged as a consistent moderator of all response effects. Rather, different individual attributes moderated different effects, and a conglomeration of strength-related dimensions did not emerge as a reliable moderator. Taken together, these results support the conclusions that different response effects occur as the result of different cognitive processes, and that various strength-related attitude attributes reflect distinct latent constructs rather than a single one.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6G9VELV2\Bassili and Krosnick - 2000 - Do Strength-Related Attitude Properties Determine Susceptibility to Response Effects New Evidence f.pdf}
}

@article{bassiliStrengthRelatedAttitudeProperties2000b,
  title = {Do {{Strength-Related Attitude Properties Determine Susceptibility}} to {{Response Effects}}? {{New Evidence From Response Latency}}, {{Attitude Extremity}}, and {{Aggregate Indices}}},
  shorttitle = {Do {{Strength-Related Attitude Properties Determine Susceptibility}} to {{Response Effects}}?},
  author = {Bassili, John N. and Krosnick, Jon A.},
  date = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {21},
  number = {1},
  pages = {107--132},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/0162-895X.00179},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/0162-895X.00179},
  urldate = {2025-06-16},
  abstract = {A great deal of research has shown that small changes in question wording, format, orordering can sometimes substantially alter people's reports of their attitudes. Althoughmany scholars have presumed that these so-called response effects are likely to be morepronounced when the attitudes being measured are weak, a number of studies have disconfirmedthis notion. This paper presents several new tests of this hypothesis using a variety of measuresand analytic techniques. The findings largely replicated previously documented effects andnon-effects but also uncovered new effects not previously tested. No single strength-relatedattitude attribute emerged as a consistent moderator of all response effects. Rather, differentindividual attributes moderated different effects, and a conglomeration of strength-relateddimensions did not emerge as a reliable moderator. Taken together, these results support theconclusions that different response effects occur as the result of different cognitive processes,and that various strength-related attitude attributes reflect distinct latent constructs rather than asingle one.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {attitude strength,Response effects,response latency},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\GH6SV7SL\\Bassili and Krosnick - 2000 - Do Strength-Related Attitude Properties Determine Susceptibility to Response Effects New Evidence F.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\R2WPHYGF\\0162-895X.html}
}

@article{bastianImmigrationPerspectiveHosts2008,
  title = {Immigration from the Perspective of Hosts and Immigrants: {{Roles}} of Psychological Essentialism and Social Identity},
  shorttitle = {Immigration from the Perspective of Hosts and Immigrants},
  author = {Bastian, Brock and Haslam, Nick},
  date = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Asian Journal of Social Psychology},
  volume = {11},
  number = {2},
  pages = {127--140},
  issn = {1467-839X},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-839X.2008.00250.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-839X.2008.00250.x},
  urldate = {2025-08-22},
  abstract = {Implicit person theory research can be conceptualized within the framework of psychological essentialism. Essentialist beliefs are associated with entity theories and both predict phenomena such as stereotyping. The present research extended previous work on the links between implicit theories and social identity processes, examining how essentialist beliefs are associated with social identification and processes related to prejudice and intergroup perception. After developing a new measure of essentialist beliefs in Study 1, Study 2 showed that these beliefs were associated with negative bias towards immigrants, particularly when participants were primed with an exclusive social identity. In Study 3, essentialist beliefs among immigrants moderated their adoption of Australian identity as a self-guide during acculturation. Essentialist beliefs therefore play a significant role in the psychology of social identity.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {essentialism,immigration,implicit theories,prejudice,social identity},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\NZGUELJW\\Bastian and Haslam - 2008 - Immigration from the perspective of hosts and immigrants Roles of psychological essentialism and so.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\K7E5B9IA\\j.1467-839X.2008.00250.html}
}

@article{batesWhenDoesSocioeconomic2016,
  title = {When Does Socioeconomic Status ({{SES}}) Moderate the Heritability of {{IQ}}? {{No}} Evidence for g × {{SES}} Interaction for {{IQ}} in a Representative Sample of 1176 {{Australian}} Adolescent Twin Pairs},
  shorttitle = {When Does Socioeconomic Status ({{SES}}) Moderate the Heritability of {{IQ}}?},
  author = {Bates, Timothy C. and Hansell, Narelle K. and Martin, Nicholas G. and Wright, Margaret J.},
  date = {2016-05},
  journaltitle = {Intelligence},
  shortjournal = {Intelligence},
  volume = {56},
  pages = {10--15},
  issn = {01602896},
  doi = {10.1016/j.intell.2016.02.003},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0160289616300629},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {Bioecological theory predicts that cognitive ability is more heritable among those raised in higher socioeconomic status (SES) families. However, the mechanism of this effect is unclear, and the effect may not be universal. We tested for gene × SES interaction effects on Full-scale IQ in 2307 adolescent Australian twins (mean age 16.2 years). Mean IQ scores were modestly higher among those from higher SES backgrounds, but the magnitude of genetic influences on IQ was uniformly high across the range of SES. Research identifying the conditions under which expressed genetic potential can become decoupled from parental SES, as seen here, is needed. We speculate that school provision may be key.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\B9QGF7CQ\Bates et al. - 2016 - When does socioeconomic status (SES) moderate the .pdf}
}

@article{batesWhenDoesSocioeconomic2016,
  title = {When Does Socioeconomic Status ({{SES}}) Moderate the Heritability of {{IQ}}? {{No}} Evidence for g × {{SES}} Interaction for {{IQ}} in a Representative Sample of 1176 {{Australian}} Adolescent Twin Pairs},
  shorttitle = {When Does Socioeconomic Status ({{SES}}) Moderate the Heritability of {{IQ}}?},
  author = {Bates, Timothy C. and Hansell, Narelle K. and Martin, Nicholas G. and Wright, Margaret J.},
  date = {2016-05},
  journaltitle = {Intelligence},
  shortjournal = {Intelligence},
  volume = {56},
  pages = {10--15},
  issn = {01602896},
  doi = {10.1016/j.intell.2016.02.003},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0160289616300629},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {Bioecological theory predicts that cognitive ability is more heritable among those raised in higher socioeconomic status (SES) families. However, the mechanism of this effect is unclear, and the effect may not be universal. We tested for gene × SES interaction effects on Full-scale IQ in 2307 adolescent Australian twins (mean age 16.2 years). Mean IQ scores were modestly higher among those from higher SES backgrounds, but the magnitude of genetic influences on IQ was uniformly high across the range of SES. Research identifying the conditions under which expressed genetic potential can become decoupled from parental SES, as seen here, is needed. We speculate that school provision may be key.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FRQPV2HU\Bates et al. - 2016 - When does socioeconomic status (SES) moderate the .pdf}
}

@article{batesWhenDoesSocioeconomic2016,
  title = {When Does Socioeconomic Status ({{SES}}) Moderate the Heritability of {{IQ}}? {{No}} Evidence for g × {{SES}} Interaction for {{IQ}} in a Representative Sample of 1176 {{Australian}} Adolescent Twin Pairs},
  shorttitle = {When Does Socioeconomic Status ({{SES}}) Moderate the Heritability of {{IQ}}?},
  author = {Bates, Timothy C. and Hansell, Narelle K. and Martin, Nicholas G. and Wright, Margaret J.},
  date = {2016-05},
  journaltitle = {Intelligence},
  shortjournal = {Intelligence},
  volume = {56},
  pages = {10--15},
  issn = {01602896},
  doi = {10.1016/j.intell.2016.02.003},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0160289616300629},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {Bioecological theory predicts that cognitive ability is more heritable among those raised in higher socioeconomic status (SES) families. However, the mechanism of this effect is unclear, and the effect may not be universal. We tested for gene × SES interaction effects on Full-scale IQ in 2307 adolescent Australian twins (mean age 16.2 years). Mean IQ scores were modestly higher among those from higher SES backgrounds, but the magnitude of genetic influences on IQ was uniformly high across the range of SES. Research identifying the conditions under which expressed genetic potential can become decoupled from parental SES, as seen here, is needed. We speculate that school provision may be key.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FCXIHAUM\Bates et al. - 2016 - When does socioeconomic status (SES) moderate the .pdf}
}

@article{bawnTheoryPoliticalParties2012,
  title = {A {{Theory}} of {{Political Parties}}: {{Groups}}, {{Policy Demands}} and {{Nominations}} in {{American Politics}}},
  shorttitle = {A {{Theory}} of {{Political Parties}}},
  author = {Bawn, Kathleen and Cohen, Martin and Karol, David and Masket, Seth and Noel, Hans and Zaller, John},
  date = {2012-09},
  journaltitle = {Perspectives on Politics},
  volume = {10},
  number = {3},
  pages = {571--597},
  issn = {1541-0986, 1537-5927},
  doi = {10.1017/S1537592712001624},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/perspectives-on-politics/article/theory-of-political-parties-groups-policy-demands-and-nominations-in-american-politics/2F7996D5365C105C3B91CD56E6A1FAA3},
  urldate = {2025-06-23},
  abstract = {We propose a theory of political parties in which interest groups and activists are the key actors, and coalitions of groups develop common agendas and screen candidates for party nominations based on loyalty to their agendas. This theoretical stance contrasts with currently dominant theories, which view parties as controlled by election-minded politicians. The difference is normatively important because parties dominated by interest groups and activists are less responsive to voter preferences, even to the point of taking advantage of lapses in voter attention to politics. Our view is consistent with evidence from the formation of national parties in the 1790s, party position change on civil rights and abortion, patterns of polarization in Congress, policy design and nominations for state legislatures, Congress, and the presidency.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\UCTVTDKZ\Bawn et al. - 2012 - A Theory of Political Parties Groups, Policy Demands and Nominations in American Politics.pdf}
}

@article{beckerResourceProfileUser2021,
  title = {Resource Profile and User Guide of the {{Polygenic Index Repository}}},
  author = {Becker, Joel and Burik, Casper A. P. and Goldman, Grant and Wang, Nancy and Jayashankar, Hariharan and Bennett, Michael and Belsky, Daniel W. and Karlsson Linnér, Richard and Ahlskog, Rafael and Kleinman, Aaron and Hinds, David A. and {23andMe Research Group} and Agee, Michelle and Alipanahi, Babak and Auton, Adam and Bell, Robert K. and Bryc, Katarzyna and Elson, Sarah L. and Fontanillas, Pierre and Furlotte, Nicholas A. and Huber, Karen E. and Litterman, Nadia K. and McCreight, Jennifer C. and McIntyre, Matthew H. and Mountain, Joanna L. and Northover, Carrie A. M. and Pitts, Steven J. and Sathirapongsasuti, J. Fah and Sazonova, Olga V. and Shelton, Janie F. and Shringarpure, Suyash and Tian, Chao and Tung, Joyce Y. and Vacic, Vladimir and Wilson, Catherine H. and Caspi, Avshalom and Corcoran, David L. and Moffitt, Terrie E. and Poulton, Richie and Sugden, Karen and Williams, Benjamin S. and Harris, Kathleen Mullan and Steptoe, Andrew and Ajnakina, Olesya and Milani, Lili and Esko, Tõnu and Iacono, William G. and McGue, Matt and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Mallard, Travis T. and Harden, K. Paige and Tucker-Drob, Elliot M. and Herd, Pamela and Freese, Jeremy and Young, Alexander and Beauchamp, Jonathan P. and Koellinger, Philipp D. and Oskarsson, Sven and Johannesson, Magnus and Visscher, Peter M. and Meyer, Michelle N. and Laibson, David and Cesarini, David and Benjamin, Daniel J. and Turley, Patrick and Okbay, Aysu},
  date = {2021-06-17},
  journaltitle = {Nature Human Behaviour},
  shortjournal = {Nat Hum Behav},
  volume = {5},
  number = {12},
  pages = {1744--1758},
  issn = {2397-3374},
  doi = {10.1038/s41562-021-01119-3},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-021-01119-3},
  urldate = {2024-02-28},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\4XSD6YS9\Becker et al. - 2021 - Resource profile and user guide of the Polygenic I.pdf}
}

@article{belchiorExplainingLeftRight2013,
  title = {Explaining {{Left}}–{{Right Party Congruence Across European Party Systems}}: {{A Test}} of {{Micro-}}, {{Meso-}}, and {{Macro-Level Models}}},
  shorttitle = {Explaining {{Left}}–{{Right Party Congruence Across European Party Systems}}},
  author = {Belchior, Ana Maria},
  date = {2013-03-01},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {46},
  number = {3},
  pages = {352--386},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414012453695},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414012453695},
  urldate = {2024-12-18},
  abstract = {Empirical studies on representation have been based mainly on the descriptive analysis of levels of political or ideological congruence between MPs and voters. Very few studies focus on explaining congruence, and those that have done so do not explore all the explanatory dimensions. This article contributes to filling this gap by testing whether three theoretical models can explain left–right congruence among European parties. These models explore causality at the micro or individual level (the characteristics of voters and MPs), the meso level (party characteristics), and the macro or system level (party system and institutional characteristics). Based on data from the PIREDEU project, the study examines the party systems of the 27 countries of the European Union with reference to the 2009 European Parliament elections. The findings reveal that MP–voter congruence is best explained at the party level and by key MP candidate characteristics.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\N7CIBZDM\Belchior - 2013 - Explaining Left–Right Party Congruence Across European Party Systems A Test of Micro-, Meso-, and M.pdf}
}

@article{bellOriginsPoliticalAttitudes2009,
  title = {The {{Origins}} of {{Political Attitudes}} and {{Behaviours}}: {{An Analysis Using Twins}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Origins}} of {{Political Attitudes}} and {{Behaviours}}},
  author = {Bell, Edward and Schermer, Julie Aitken and Vernon, Philip A.},
  date = {2009},
  journaltitle = {Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique},
  volume = {42},
  number = {4},
  eprint = {27754535},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {855--879},
  publisher = {[Canadian Political Science Association, Cambridge University Press, Société québécoise de science politique]},
  issn = {0008-4239},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/27754535},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {This article provides a behaviour genetic heritability analysis of several political issues, including social and economic conservatism, general interest in politics, attitudes toward the major Canadian federal parties, federal party identification and national vote choice. Substantial genetic effects were found for four of six political attitude scales, with heritability values ranging from 41 per cent to 73 per cent. Genetic effects are also reported for several individual items (including feelings toward the major federal parties, party identification and vote choice), with heritabilities from 33 per cent to 62 per cent. The implications of these results for conventional political analyses are explored. Also presented is a theoretical interpretation of political heritability that is derived from an evolutionary perspective which suggests that political personalities or temperaments have evolved that are analogous to the heritable personality structures proposed by psychologists. /// Cet article propose une analyse sur l'héritabilité de la génétique du comportement concernant plusieurs questions politiques, y compris le conservatisme social et économique, l'intérêt général pour la politique, les attitudes envers les principaux partis fédéraux canadiens, l'identification à un parti et le choix de vote au niveau national. Des effets génétiques notables ont été recensés pour quatre des échelles politiques d'attitude sur six, les taux d'héritabilité s'étendant de 41 pour cent à 73 pour cent. Des effets génétiques ont également été recensés pour plusieurs autres éléments étudiés (y compris les sentiments envers les principaux partis fédéraux, l'identification à un parti et le choix de vote), les taux d'héritabilité allant cette fois-ci de 33 pour cent à 62 pour cent. Cette étude explore l'incidence de ces résultats sur des analyses politiques conventionnelles. Il s'agit aussi d'une interprétation thérique de l'héritabilité politique dérivant d'une perspective évolutionnaire, qui suggère que les personnalités ou les tempéraments politiques ont évolué et que ces derniers sont analogues aux structures de personnalité transmissibles proposées par les psychologues.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5TMK48VZ\Bell et al. - 2009 - The Origins of Political Attitudes and Behaviours.pdf}
}

@article{belskyGeneticsSuccessHow2016,
  title = {The {{Genetics}} of {{Success}}: {{How Single-Nucleotide Polymorphisms Associated With Educational Attainment Relate}} to {{Life-Course Development}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Genetics}} of {{Success}}},
  author = {Belsky, Daniel W. and Moffitt, Terrie E. and Corcoran, David L. and Domingue, Benjamin and Harrington, HonaLee and Hogan, Sean and Houts, Renate and Ramrakha, Sandhya and Sugden, Karen and Williams, Benjamin S. and Poulton, Richie and Caspi, Avshalom},
  date = {2016-07},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Psychol Sci},
  volume = {27},
  number = {7},
  pages = {957--972},
  issn = {0956-7976, 1467-9280},
  doi = {10.1177/0956797616643070},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0956797616643070},
  urldate = {2024-09-26},
  abstract = {A previous genome-wide association study (GWAS) of more than 100,000 individuals identified molecular-genetic predictors of educational attainment. We undertook in-depth life-course investigation of the polygenic score derived from this GWAS using the four-decade Dunedin Study ( N = 918). There were five main findings. First, polygenic scores predicted adult economic outcomes even after accounting for educational attainments. Second, genes and environments were correlated: Children with higher polygenic scores were born into better-off homes. Third, children’s polygenic scores predicted their adult outcomes even when analyses accounted for their social-class origins; social-mobility analysis showed that children with higher polygenic scores were more upwardly mobile than children with lower scores. Fourth, polygenic scores predicted behavior across the life course, from early acquisition of speech and reading skills through geographic mobility and mate choice and on to financial planning for retirement. Fifth, polygenic-score associations were mediated by psychological characteristics, including intelligence, self-control, and interpersonal skill. Effect sizes were small. Factors connecting DNA sequence with life outcomes may provide targets for interventions to promote population-wide positive development.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JMDGSIKB\Belsky et al. - 2016 - The Genetics of Success How Single-Nucleotide Pol.pdf}
}

@article{berenbaumIntoleranceUncertaintyExploring2008,
  title = {Intolerance of Uncertainty: {{Exploring}} Its Dimensionality and Associations with Need for Cognitive Closure, Psychopathology, and Personality},
  shorttitle = {Intolerance of Uncertainty},
  author = {Berenbaum, Howard and Bredemeier, Keith and Thompson, Renee J.},
  date = {2008-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Anxiety Disorders},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Anxiety Disorders},
  volume = {22},
  number = {1},
  pages = {117--125},
  issn = {0887-6185},
  doi = {10.1016/j.janxdis.2007.01.004},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0887618507000199},
  urldate = {2024-08-06},
  abstract = {The dimensionality and correlates of the Intolerance of Uncertainty Scale (IUS) were examined in a sample of 239 university students. In addition to completing the IUS, participants completed measures of worrying, anxious arousal, anhedonic depression, the big five personality dimensions, and the Need for Closure Scale. A factor analysis of the IUS suggested that it includes the following dimensions: (a) desire for predictability; (b) tendency to become paralyzed in the face of uncertainty; (c) tendency to experience distress in the face of uncertainty; and (d) inflexible uncertainty beliefs. Subscale scores computed on the basis of the factor analysis were differentially associated with the other variables.},
  keywords = {Factor analysis,Intolerance of uncertainty,Need for cognitive closure,Personality,Psychopathology,Worry}
}

@article{bergbowerPresidentialCampaignSpending2015,
  title = {Presidential {{Campaign Spending}} and {{Correct Voting}} from 2000 to 2008},
  author = {Bergbower, Matthew L. and McClurg, Scott D. and Holbrook, Thomas},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Quarterly},
  volume = {96},
  number = {5},
  pages = {1196--1213},
  issn = {1540-6237},
  doi = {10.1111/ssqu.12199},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ssqu.12199},
  urldate = {2025-06-10},
  abstract = {Objective This study examines whether presidential campaigns help voters make informed choices on Election Day, or whether unique campaign contexts can actually hinder quality votes. We explore this question by relating the allocation of resources by presidential campaigns to a measure of correct voting (Lau and Redlawsk, 1997). Methods We expect that when campaign messages become overwhelmingly one sided, the number of incorrect votes increases and test this through an assessment of campaign data and responses to the 2000, 2004, and 2008 American National Election Studies. Results Our results reveal that lopsided campaign contexts create an opportunity for campaigns to pick up votes that would otherwise go to the opposing candidate. Conclusion This research underscores the normative value of competitive political campaigns as it relates to voters’ exposure to political information. Our findings contribute to debates on campaign strategy, information environments, and the effect of campaigns on voter decision-making.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\7AUBBX93\\Bergbower et al. - 2015 - Presidential Campaign Spending and Correct Voting from 2000 to 2008.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\AYAJZN37\\ssqu.html}
}

@article{bergkvistNegativeEffectsUnlabeled2021,
  title = {Negative Effects of Unlabeled Response Scales},
  author = {Bergkvist, Lars},
  date = {2021-11-01},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Market Research},
  volume = {63},
  number = {6},
  pages = {772--785},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications},
  issn = {1470-7853},
  doi = {10.1177/1470785320981815},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1470785320981815},
  urldate = {2025-04-01},
  abstract = {This study used a novel research approach to investigate the effects of unlabeled response scales on response distributions. Instead of responding to standard questionnaire items respondents were asked to report given judgments on either semantic-differential (SD) or agree-disagree (AD) response scales, thereby showing the extent to which respondents agree upon where to place given judgments. Results from a survey-based study (N = 418) show that respondents to a large extent disagree about where to place judgments on the response scale; the level of agreement for different judgment intensities ranged from 42\% to 82\% and the level of agreement is lower for AD than SD response scales. The low levels of agreement contribute to non-substantive variance in the data which increases the risk of attenuated or inflated correlations between constructs. Moreover, simulations of actual response distributions suggest that unlabeled response scales may lead to a strong bias in the form of underestimated shares of positive answers. Implications for research and marketing research practice of using unlabeled response scales are discussed and it is recommended that response categories on SD and AD items always should be labeled since this will reduce non-substantive variance and bias in the data.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\VJ6R5TWM\Bergkvist - 2021 - Negative effects of unlabeled response scales.pdf}
}

@article{berinskyMeasuringPublicOpinion2017,
  title = {Measuring {{Public Opinion}} with {{Surveys}}},
  author = {Berinsky, Adam J.},
  date = {2017-05-11},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  volume = {20},
  pages = {309--329},
  publisher = {Annual Reviews},
  issn = {1094-2939, 1545-1577},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-101513-113724},
  url = {https://www.annualreviews.org/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-polisci-101513-113724},
  urldate = {2025-04-03},
  abstract = {How can we best gauge the political opinions of the citizenry? Since their emergence in the 1930s, opinion polls—or surveys—have become the dominant way to assess the public will. But even given the long history of polling, there is no agreement among political scientists on how to best measure public opinion through polls. This article is a call for political scientists to be more self-conscious about the choices we make when we attempt to measure public opinion with surveys in two realms. I first take up the question of whom to interview, discussing the major challenges survey researchers face when sampling respondents from the population of interest. I then discuss the level of specificity with which we can properly collect information about the political preferences of individuals. I focus on the types of question wording and item aggregation strategies researchers can use to accurately measure public opinion.},
  issue = {Volume 20, 2017},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZVWIH48S\Berinsky - 2017 - Measuring Public Opinion with Surveys.pdf}
}

@article{berinskyPollsReview2007,
  title = {The {{Polls}}—{{Review}}},
  author = {Berinsky, Adam J. and Druckman, James N.},
  date = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {71},
  number = {1},
  pages = {126--141},
  issn = {1537-5331, 0033-362X},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfl049},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/poq/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/poq/nfl049},
  urldate = {2025-05-15},
  abstract = {Professors Peter Feaver, Christopher Gelpi, and Jason Reifler’s theory of the determinants of public support for war has received a great deal of attention among academics, journalists, and policymakers. They argue that support for war hinges on initial support for military action and the belief in the success of the war. In this review, we take a critical and constructive view of their work, focusing on methodological concerns. We discuss the dependent variable used by the authors—individual casualty tolerance—and argue that it is an insufficient measure of war support. We also make the case that their independent variables of interest—initial support for war and evaluation of war success—may, in fact, be best understood as indicators of latent support for the war more generally. Finally, we discuss the need for more research into the determinants of support for war, focusing on core values and elite rhetoric as potential variables for continued and future study.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5GQ8K883\Berinsky and Druckman - 2007 - The Polls—Review.pdf}
}

@article{bertoaVOLATILITYVOLATILITY,
  title = {{{THE VOLATILITY OF VOLATILITY}}:},
  author = {Bértoa, Fernando Casal and Deegan-Krause, Kevin and Haughton, Tim},
  abstract = {Volatility is a widely used term in political science, but even the most widely used measure of volatility, Pedersen’s index, can mask as much as it reveals. His simple and elegant calculation has become part of the political science toolbox, but scholars employing this tool have tended to produce distinctly different results thanks to a series of decisions about measurement and classification. Using examples from Central Europe the critical role of decisions related to party continuity and threshold of inclusion are identified. The article not only unpacks the underlying questions addressed by different uses of Pedersen’s index, but offers standards for choosing particular methods over others and outlines the principles that must be followed in creating a useable successor to Pedersen.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DCCTNFRG\Bértoa et al. - THE VOLATILITY OF VOLATILITY.pdf}
}

@article{bischofIdeologicalCongruenceParty2018,
  title = {Ideological Congruence between Party Rhetoric and Policy-Making},
  author = {Bischof, Daniel},
  date = {2018-03-04},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {41},
  number = {2},
  pages = {310--328},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2017.1382213},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2017.1382213},
  urldate = {2024-11-26},
  abstract = {Scholars, citizens and journalists alike question whether political parties keep their electoral promises. A growing body of literature provides empirical evidence that parties do indeed keep their electoral pledges. Yet little is known about the congruence between party rhetoric between elections and the policies delivered by them. Given the increasing influence of party rhetoric in the media with respect to voting decisions, it is highly relevant to understand if parties ‘walk like they talk’. The article suggests that due to electoral reasons parties face strong incentives to deliver policy outputs which are congruent to their daily rhetoric. Analysing data on 54 policy outputs on nuclear energy, drafted by 24 parties after the Fukushima accident, the analysis finds overwhelming evidence that parties deliver ideologically congruent policy outputs to their rhetoric (incongruent only in 7.89\%). These findings have important implications for our understanding of the linkage between party communication and the masses in modern media democracies.},
  keywords = {Party competition,party positions,party rhetoric,pledges,responsiveness},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZVZYEHBS\Bischof - 2018 - Ideological congruence between party rhetoric and .pdf}
}

@article{blaisDoesProportionalRepresentation2006,
  title = {Does {{Proportional Representation Foster Closer Congruence Between Citizens}} and {{Policy Makers}}?},
  author = {Blais, André and Bodet, Marc André},
  date = {2006-12},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  shortjournal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {39},
  number = {10},
  pages = {1243--1262},
  issn = {0010-4140, 1552-3829},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414005284374},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0010414005284374},
  urldate = {2024-12-09},
  abstract = {This article assesses the claim that proportional representation (PR) fosters a closer correspondence between the views of citizens and the positions of the government. The study uses the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data set and compares respondents’ self-placements on a Left-Right scale with placements of cabinet parties’ locations in 31 election studies. The authors argue that PR has two contradictory consequences. On one hand, PR leads to more parties and more choice for voters; but these parties are less centrist, and this increases the overall distance between voters and parties. On the other hand, PR increases the likelihood of coalition governments; this pulls the government toward the center of the policy spectrum and reduces the distance between the government and voters. These two contradictory effects of PR wash out, and the net overall impact of PR on congruence is nil. The data support the authors’ interpretation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DVEHJAUU\Blais and Bodet - 2006 - Does Proportional Representation Foster Closer Con.pdf}
}

@incollection{blaisInformationPartyStrength2018,
  title = {Information on {{Party Strength}} and {{Strategic Voting}}: {{Evidence}} of {{Non-Effects}} from a {{Randomized Experiment}}},
  shorttitle = {Information on {{Party Strength}} and {{Strategic Voting}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Many Faces}} of {{Strategic Voting}}},
  author = {Blais, André and Loewen, Peter John and Rubenson, Daniel and Stephenson, Laura B. and Gidengil, Elisabeth},
  editor = {Blais, André and Stephenson, Laura B. and Aldrich, John H.},
  date = {2018},
  series = {Tactical {{Behavior}} in {{Electoral Systems Around}} the {{World}}},
  eprint = {j.ctvh4zhzr.8},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {89--103},
  publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvh4zhzr.8},
  urldate = {2024-09-09},
  abstract = {Chapter 1 of this volume makes clear that strategic voting is born of the marriage of expectations and preferences. In first-past-the-post electoral systems, individuals are said to vote strategically when they abandon their preferred choice because it is perceived as having little or no chance of winning (Blais et al. 2001). While strategic voting can and does occur in any voting system (Blais, Loewen, and Bodet 2004; Cox 1997), it is thought to be most prevalent in single-member district plurality elections. However, many studies suggest that strategic voting may not be as frequent as is often assumed. Supporters of one},
  isbn = {978-0-472-13102-0},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\YZXG876S\Blais et al. - 2018 - Information on Party Strength and Strategic Voting.pdf}
}

@article{blaisMeasuringStrategicVoting2001,
  title = {Measuring Strategic Voting in Multiparty Plurality Elections},
  author = {Blais, André and Nadeau, Richard and Gidengil, Elisabeth and Nevitte, Neil},
  date = {2001-09-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {20},
  number = {3},
  pages = {343--352},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/S0261-3794(00)00017-2},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379400000172},
  urldate = {2024-09-11},
  abstract = {We propose a method for measuring strategic voting in multiparty plurality elections, and we apply that method to the 1997 Canadian election. The first stage of the inquiry determines whether voters' expectations about the outcome of the election have an independent effect on vote choice, after controlling their preferences, more specifically their party identification and evaluations of parties and leaders. We show that in the 1997 Canadian election perceptions of the local race in the constituency did affect the vote, but not perceptions of the race for who would form the government and the official opposition. The second stage of the analysis consists in assessing for each respondent whether her vote was sincere or strategic: a respondent is deemed to have cast a strategic vote if whether her expectations about the outcome of the election are considered or not leads to a different prediction about which party she is most likely to support. On that basis, we estimate that about 3\% of voters cast a strategic vote in the 1997 election.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NVWF6DR8\S0261379400000172.html}
}

@book{blaisVotingExperiments2016,
  title = {Voting {{Experiments}}},
  editor = {Blais, André and Laslier, Jean-François and Van Der Straeten, Karine},
  date = {2016},
  publisher = {Springer International Publishing},
  location = {Cham},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-40573-5},
  url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-319-40573-5},
  urldate = {2024-09-05},
  isbn = {978-3-319-40571-1 978-3-319-40573-5},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2G4EG95G\Blais et al. - 2016 - Voting Experiments.pdf}
}

@article{blomqvistmickelssonUkrainianRefugeesReception2024,
  title = {Ukrainian Refugees’ Reception in {{Swedish}} Sports Clubs: ‘Deservingness’ and ‘Promising Victimhood’},
  shorttitle = {Ukrainian Refugees’ Reception in {{Swedish}} Sports Clubs},
  author = {Blomqvist Mickelsson, Tony},
  date = {2024-03-03},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Social Work},
  volume = {27},
  number = {2},
  pages = {267--280},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1369-1457},
  doi = {10.1080/13691457.2023.2196375},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2023.2196375},
  urldate = {2025-08-04},
  abstract = {An emergent discourse along with a small, but growing, body of empirical research scrutinises how Ukrainian refugees are being treated differently compared to other refugee populations and how western societies construct ‘hierarchies of victims’. For social work, a discipline designated to combat inequity, there is a strong incentive to understand if these hierarchies exist within welfare-providing organisations. This paper explores the Swedish sports movement’s reception of Ukrainian refugees vis-à-vis other refugee populations through semi-structured interviews with sports representatives. The theoretical lens used is the perspective on ‘promising victimhood’, where refugees are framed as more or less worthy of the nation-state’s protection and welfare benefit. The results show two themes. Ukrainian refugees are perceived to be culturally- and economically better ‘performers’; they share Swedish values and are perceived as willing to contribute to Swedish society, whereas other refugee groups are depicted as lazy and culturally deviant. Second, the perception of Russia as a threat to Europe makes respondents sympathise to a greater extent with Ukrainian refugees. This sympathy is increased when representatives consider Ukrainian refugees’ demographic characteristics: most are women and children. The results show that social work needs to be vigilant, and challenge, these ideas to not facilitate inequalities in refugees’ reception.},
  keywords = {deservingness,flyktingar,idrottsföreningar,integration,migranter,migrants,sports clubs,Ukraina,Ukraine},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\9CLXSLB6\Blomqvist Mickelsson - 2024 - Ukrainian refugees’ reception in Swedish sports clubs ‘deservingness’ and ‘promising victimhood’.pdf}
}

@article{boatrightWhoAreSpatial2008,
  title = {Who Are the Spatial Voting Violators?},
  author = {Boatright, Robert Guy},
  date = {2008-03},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {27},
  number = {1},
  pages = {116--125},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2007.11.008},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0261379407001102},
  urldate = {2024-11-05},
  abstract = {Most applied work on spatial voting theory has sought to measure whether voters choose the candidates whose ideological positions are closest to theirs. Few of these studies have used the most basic measurement tool of proximity voting that the American National Election Studies (ANES) provide. This article uses ANES seven-point ideological placements from 1972 through 2004 to distinguish between spatial voters and voters who are ideologically closer to one candidate yet vote for another candidate. For each of these cycles, between 9 and 15\% of voters are spatial voting violators. These individuals demonstrate below-average levels of political knowledge, activism, and interest, yet considering the direction of the violation yields a mix of potential incentives for violations.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\SMWTK4MR\Boatright - 2008 - Who are the spatial voting violators.pdf}
}

@article{boonenEffectPoliticalSophistication2017,
  title = {The Effect of Political Sophistication and Party Identification on Voter–Party Congruence. {{A}} Comparative Analysis of 30 Countries},
  author = {Boonen, Joris and Pedersen, Eva Falk and Hooghe, Marc},
  date = {2017-07-03},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  volume = {27},
  number = {3},
  pages = {311--329},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1745-7289},
  doi = {10.1080/17457289.2016.1273226},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2016.1273226},
  urldate = {2024-11-16},
  abstract = {Partisanship and cognitive mobilization are generally seen as independent and counter-balancing influences on vote choice. While the former is typically regarded as a shortcut, reducing the need for close ideological congruence with one’s preferred party, the latter is associated with increasing levels of political sophistication and the importance of ideological proximity in voter decision-making. This paper tests the strength of these arguments in comparative perspective using data from Wave 3 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). Our results show that in general higher levels of political sophistication are associated with higher levels of voter–party ideological congruence and that a strong party identification reduces this proximity. For voters with both high levels of sophistication and strong partisanship, however, congruence remains high. In a second step we examine whether these relationships are affected by the complexity of the party environment. Our findings show that party system size has no effect on levels of ideological congruence at the individual level, and this holds for different levels of voter sophistication. We conclude that for the most part voter sophistication and party identification are best seen as counter-weights in determining vote choice.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HRSHLHAP\Boonen et al. - 2017 - The effect of political sophistication and party i.pdf}
}

@article{borgninoPolicymakingToughEconomic2024,
  title = {Policymaking under Tough Economic Times: {{Parties}}, Policy Issues and the Adoption of Programmatic Policies},
  shorttitle = {Policymaking under Tough Economic Times},
  author = {Borgnino, Giorgia},
  date = {2024-05-14},
  journaltitle = {International Political Science Review},
  pages = {01925121241247517},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {0192-5121},
  doi = {10.1177/01925121241247517},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121241247517},
  urldate = {2024-12-11},
  abstract = {To what extent is partisan ability to shape policies affected by an economic downturn? Based on the analysis of the fulfilment of 2,412 election pledges in Italy (1996–2018), this article demonstrates that governing parties prioritize different types of promises in tough economic times compared to normal or growing periods. Despite the presence of important constraints, parties have incentives to still try to carve out space for (some of) their policy preferences. In addition, results suggest that the effect of the economic context on pledge fulfilment is contingent on: (a) the policy issue; and (b) parties’ political affiliation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3RBBWHG2\Borgnino - 2024 - Policymaking under tough economic times Parties, .pdf}
}

@article{bostonDynamicRelationshipPersonality2018,
  title = {The {{Dynamic Relationship}} between {{Personality Stability}} and {{Political Attitudes}}},
  author = {Boston, Joshua and Homola, Jonathan and Sinclair, Betsy and Torres, Michelle and Tucker, Patrick D},
  date = {2018-04-11},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {82},
  number = {S1},
  pages = {843--865},
  issn = {0033-362X},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfy001},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfy001},
  urldate = {2024-06-13},
  abstract = {Political scientists have increasingly documented correlations between personality traits, measured using the Ten Item Personality Inventory (TIPI) battery, and Americans’ political attitudes and behaviors. Those correlations are often interpreted as giving causal agency to personality in shaping political outcomes. Such causal claims depend on two key assumptions: personality measurements (1) display stability over time and (2) predate political behaviors of interest. In this article, we employ a new set of empirical tests using new panel survey data to test these assumptions. First, we find only very modest variation in TIPI scores over time. Second, however, we show this variability to be associated in certain cases with political and social variables, which raises serious doubts about the nature of personality as a factor that predates both socio-demographic and—more importantly—political variables. We pay particular attention to openness. While the stability of the TIPI instrument is encouraging, the association between politics and the TIPI instrument suggests that TIPI may vary in response to political events.},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\AEU3TEQF\\Boston et al. - 2018 - The Dynamic Relationship between Personality Stabi.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\WBPRMBTG\\4955833.html}
}

@article{bovensEducationGapParticipation2010,
  title = {The Education Gap in Participation and Its Political Consequences},
  author = {Bovens, Mark and Wille, Anchrit},
  date = {2010-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Acta Politica},
  shortjournal = {Acta Polit},
  volume = {45},
  number = {4},
  pages = {393--422},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan UK},
  issn = {1741-1416},
  doi = {10.1057/ap.2010.7},
  url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/ap.2010.7},
  urldate = {2025-07-31},
  abstract = {Although research on political participation has consistently observed a robust and positive relationship between education and political participation, there is fairly little systematic analysis of its implications for the functioning of modern democracies. This article first explores the degree to which educational differences matter in the extent and form of political participation in the Netherlands. It turns out that the well educated currently comprise less than a third of the population, yet they dominate every political venue in the Netherlands. The less educated, on the other hand, have virtually disappeared from most layers of the participation pyramid. Second, the article explores the political consequences of this education gap in participation. There is no such thing in the Netherlands as a general cleft between citizens and politicians. The major gap is one between less- and well- educated citizens. The less educated tend to be very distrustful and cynical about politics and politicians, whereas the well educated tend to be much more positive about government and political institutions. The education gap has been most manifest with regard to socio-cultural issues, such as crime, the admittance of asylum seekers, cultural integration of immigrants and EU unification. Regarding these issues, differences in the level of formal educational will lead to very divergent political opinions. However, the recent emergence of eurosceptic and nationalist parties, with a populist style, such as the LPF, SP and PVV, have made the less educated more visible in the political landscape.},
  issue = {4},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\H5MHQP8Z\Bovens and Wille - 2010 - The education gap in participation and its political consequences.pdf}
}

@article{bovitzPositionTakingElectoralAccountability2006,
  title = {Position-{{Taking}} and {{Electoral Accountability}} in the {{U}}.{{S}}. {{House}} of {{Representatives}}},
  author = {Bovitz, Gregory L. and Carson, Jamie L.},
  date = {2006-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
  volume = {59},
  number = {2},
  pages = {297--312},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1065-9129},
  doi = {10.1177/106591290605900211},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/106591290605900211},
  urldate = {2025-06-21},
  abstract = {While past research has offered some initial evidence linking patterns of position-taking behavior with incumbents’ electoral fortunes, we are left without a comprehensive study that informs us whether individual roll-call votes can be electorally consequential and lends insight into the conditions under which position-taking on roll calls may yield electoral implications. This article takes a step toward filling that void by examining the electoral implications of hundreds of House roll calls since the early 1970s. We find that, after controlling for the usual factors, a wide range of individual roll-call decisions have significant effects on incumbents’ electoral margins. We also find that the extent to which a particular roll call is controversial, salient, and a catalyst for intra-party disagreement affects whether it has electoral implications. In sum, our analysis addresses longstanding questions regarding how and when legislators are rewarded or punished at the polls for their behavior in Congress.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BLTB68HA\Bovitz and Carson - 2006 - Position-Taking and Electoral Accountability in the U.S. House of Representatives.pdf}
}

@article{braderCrossPressureScores2014,
  title = {Cross {{Pressure Scores}}: {{An Individual-Level Measure}} of {{Cumulative Partisan Pressures Arising}} from {{Social Group Memberships}}},
  shorttitle = {Cross {{Pressure Scores}}},
  author = {Brader, Ted and Tucker, Joshua A. and Therriault, Andrew},
  date = {2014-03-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {36},
  number = {1},
  pages = {23--51},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-013-9222-8},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-013-9222-8},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Early studies of voting behavior hypothesized that the degree to which an individual was “cross-pressured” might affect how she participates in politics. However, attention to this topic waned before returning in recent years, mainly within the narrower confines of social networks analysis. In an effort to encourage broader consideration of the role of cross-pressures in political behavior, we present a new approach to estimating cross-pressures that (1) is individual-specific, (2) reflects the cumulative cross-pressures faced by an individual from her many intersecting social strata and group memberships, irrespective of the mechanism by which those pressures are experienced, and (3) can be estimated using widely-available data in party systems of any size, thus making it easier to study the effect of cross-pressures cross-nationally and over time. We demonstrate that these estimates are robust to many estimation choices, correspond well to existing measures of cross-pressures, and are correlated with patterns of political engagement and participation predicted by extant theories.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Cross pressures,Measurement,Partisanship,Poland,Political behavior,Political participation,Social groups,United States},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BQ2S2JUF\Brader et al. - 2014 - Cross Pressure Scores An Individual-Level Measure.pdf}
}

@article{braderFollowingPartysLead2012,
  title = {Following the {{Party}}'s {{Lead}}: {{Party Cues}}, {{Policy Opinion}}, and the {{Power}} of {{Partisanship}} in {{Three Multiparty Systems}}},
  shorttitle = {Following the {{Party}}'s {{Lead}}},
  author = {Brader, Ted and Tucker, Joshua A.},
  date = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  volume = {44},
  number = {4},
  pages = {403--420},
  publisher = {Comparative Politics, Ph.D. Programs in Political Science, City University of New York},
  issn = {0010-4159},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.its.uu.se/stable/23211819},
  urldate = {2025-11-20},
  abstract = {In the United States, considerable evidence documents the power of partisanship to shape voter preferences. But does partisanship have similar powers beyond American shores? Observational evidence leads some in this old debate to answer yes, but others to contend partisanship merely restates party vote. Experimentation can clarify what powers, if any, partisanship wields over voters in specific countries. If effects differ across countries, then scholars can turn their attention to explaining why. Survey experiments conducted in three countries where multiple parties viably compete for legislative seats—Great Britain, Hungary, and Poland—demonstrate that, when cues are available, party identifiers often follow their party's lead when expressing policy preferences. However, the pattern of results suggests this power may strengthen with party system crystallization.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\D5ZZWY3V\Brader and Tucker - 2012 - Following the Party's Lead Party Cues, Policy Opinion, and the Power of Partisanship in Three Multi.pdf}
}

@article{braderStrikingResponsiveChord2005,
  title = {Striking a {{Responsive Chord}}: {{How Political Ads Motivate}} and {{Persuade Voters}} by {{Appealing}} to {{Emotions}}},
  shorttitle = {Striking a {{Responsive Chord}}},
  author = {Brader, Ted},
  date = {2005},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {49},
  number = {2},
  pages = {388--405},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00130.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00130.x},
  urldate = {2024-08-06},
  abstract = {Politicians routinely appeal to the emotions of voters, a practice critics claim subverts the rational decision making on which democratic processes properly rest. But we know little about how emotional appeals actually influence voting behavior. This study demonstrates, for the first time, that political ads can change the way citizens get involved and make choices simply by using images and music to evoke emotions. Prior research suggests voters behave differently in different emotional states but has not established whether politicians can use campaigns to manipulate emotions and thereby cause changes in political behavior. This article uses two experiments conducted during an actual election to show that: (1) cueing enthusiasm motivates participation and activates existing loyalties; and (2) cueing fear stimulates vigilance, increases reliance on contemporary evaluations, and facilitates persuasion. These results suggest campaigns achieve their goals in part by appealing to emotions, and emotional appeals can promote democratically desirable behavior.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\IMSPYQZX\Brader - 2005 - Striking a Responsive Chord How Political Ads Mot.pdf}
}

@article{braderUnreflectivePartisansPolicy2018,
  title = {Unreflective {{Partisans}}? {{Policy Information}} and {{Evaluation}} in the {{Development}} of {{Partisanship}}},
  shorttitle = {Unreflective {{Partisans}}?},
  author = {Brader, Ted and Tucker, Joshua A.},
  date = {2018-02},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {39},
  number = {S1},
  pages = {137--157},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12480},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12480},
  urldate = {2024-04-05},
  abstract = {What factors enable and motivate citizens to form partisan identities? Popular accounts, as well as several major theoretical approaches, attribute a central role for policy and ideological concerns in shaping the partisan orientations of voters. Information about the policy aims of parties should therefore, on average, make it easier for an individual to find a party that best fits her views, especially if she had previously been less familiar with the parties. The evidence for this is mixed, however. Plenty of studies find a robust correlation between policy views and partisanship. Yet there is mounting evidence that citizens look to parties to decide where to stand on policy issues, suggesting that partisan identification precedes policy preferences. We bring new evidence to bear by investigating directly the impact of substantive policy information on the partisan identities of ordinary citizens. To do this, we carry out a pair of original experiments across six countries, five of which are relatively young or unstable party systems. One experiment informs citizens about the policy goals of the major parties; we find little to no evidence that such information affects levels of partisanship. The other experiment tests the impact of inviting citizens to evaluate and compare their own position to the positions of the major parties, a more direct test of the sort of reasoning posited in some theoretical accounts. We find that this reflective task in fact depresses levels of partisanship, perhaps especially among those who knew less about politics and parties from the outset. This suggests that thinking about policy differences and proximities pushes citizens away from partisan attachments they form in the ordinary course of life, perhaps because such thinking generates fresh doubts or focuses attention on facets of partisan choice that matter less in typical processes of preference formation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\P7JZ629X\Brader and Tucker - 2018 - Unreflective Partisans Policy Information and Eva.pdf}
}

@article{bradyAttitudeAttributionGroup1985,
  title = {Attitude {{Attribution}}: {{A Group Basis}} for {{Political Reasoning}}},
  shorttitle = {Attitude {{Attribution}}},
  author = {Brady, Henry E. and Sniderman, Paul M.},
  date = {1985-12-01},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  shortjournal = {Am Polit Sci Rev},
  volume = {79},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1061--1078},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.2307/1956248},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400237301/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-09-24},
  abstract = {This article shows that citizens can estimate what politically strategic groups—liberals and conservatives, Democrats and Republicans, and blacks and whites—stand for on major issues. These attitude attributions follow from a simple calculus, a likability heuristic. This heuristic is rooted in people's likes and dislikes of political groups. Thanks to this affective calculus, many in the mass public are able to estimate who stands for what politically, notwithstanding shortfalls in information and information processing.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{brandtUnthinkingConfidentExtremist2015,
  title = {The {{Unthinking}} or {{Confident Extremist}}? {{Political Extremists Are More Likely Than Moderates}} to {{Reject Experimenter-Generated Anchors}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Unthinking}} or {{Confident Extremist}}?},
  author = {Brandt, Mark J. and Evans, Anthony M. and Crawford, Jarret T.},
  date = {2015-02-01},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Psychol Sci},
  volume = {26},
  number = {2},
  pages = {189--202},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0956-7976},
  doi = {10.1177/0956797614559730},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797614559730},
  urldate = {2024-08-22},
  abstract = {People with extreme political opinions are alternatively characterized as being relatively unthinking or as confident consumers and practitioners of politics. In three studies, we tested these competing hypotheses using cognitive anchoring tasks (total N = 6,767). Using two different measures of political extremity, we found that extremists were less influenced than political moderates by two types of experimenter-generated anchors (Studies 1–3) and that this result was mediated by extremists’ belief superiority (Study 2). Extremists and moderates, however, were not differentially influenced by self-generated anchors (Study 2), which suggests that extremists differentiated between externally and internally generated anchors. These results are consistent with the confident-extremist perspective and contradict the unthinking-extremist perspective. The present studies demonstrate the utility of adopting a basic cognitive task to investigate the relationship between ideology and cognitive style and suggest that extremity does not necessarily beget irrationality.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GN6BPR4R\Brandt et al. - 2015 - The Unthinking or Confident Extremist Political E.pdf}
}

@article{brandtUnthinkingConfidentExtremist2015a,
  title = {The {{Unthinking}} or {{Confident Extremist}}? {{Political Extremists Are More Likely Than Moderates}} to {{Reject Experimenter-Generated Anchors}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Unthinking}} or {{Confident Extremist}}?},
  author = {Brandt, Mark J. and Evans, Anthony M. and Crawford, Jarret T.},
  date = {2015-02-01},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Psychol Sci},
  volume = {26},
  number = {2},
  pages = {189--202},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0956-7976},
  doi = {10.1177/0956797614559730},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797614559730},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  abstract = {People with extreme political opinions are alternatively characterized as being relatively unthinking or as confident consumers and practitioners of politics. In three studies, we tested these competing hypotheses using cognitive anchoring tasks (total N = 6,767). Using two different measures of political extremity, we found that extremists were less influenced than political moderates by two types of experimenter-generated anchors (Studies 1–3) and that this result was mediated by extremists’ belief superiority (Study 2). Extremists and moderates, however, were not differentially influenced by self-generated anchors (Study 2), which suggests that extremists differentiated between externally and internally generated anchors. These results are consistent with the confident-extremist perspective and contradict the unthinking-extremist perspective. The present studies demonstrate the utility of adopting a basic cognitive task to investigate the relationship between ideology and cognitive style and suggest that extremity does not necessarily beget irrationality.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NPICYN84\Brandt et al. - 2015 - The Unthinking or Confident Extremist Political E.pdf}
}

@article{broockmanApproachesStudyingPolicy2016,
  title = {Approaches to {{Studying Policy Representation}}},
  author = {Broockman, David E.},
  date = {2016-02},
  journaltitle = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Legislative Studies Qtrly},
  volume = {41},
  number = {1},
  pages = {181--215},
  issn = {0362-9805, 1939-9162},
  doi = {10.1111/lsq.12110},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/lsq.12110},
  urldate = {2025-03-27},
  abstract = {Some studies of policy representation test hypotheses about the relationship between citizens' views and elites' positions on multiple issues by proceeding one issue at a time. Others summarize citizens' and elites' preferences with “ideology scores” and test hypotheses with these. I show that approach is flawed. It misinterprets citizens' ideology scores as summaries of policy preferences, but these scores actually measure ideological consistency across areas: how often citizens' ideal policies are liberal or conservative. Examples show how attending to this distinction overturns conventional wisdom: legislators appear similarly moderate as citizens, not more extreme; however, politically engaged citizens appear especially moderate.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BGUC8MDB\Broockman - 2016 - Approaches to Studying Policy Representation.pdf}
}

@article{broockmanApproachesStudyingPolicy2016a,
  title = {Approaches to {{Studying Policy Representation}}},
  author = {Broockman, David E.},
  date = {2016-02},
  journaltitle = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Legislative Studies Qtrly},
  volume = {41},
  number = {1},
  pages = {181--215},
  issn = {0362-9805, 1939-9162},
  doi = {10.1111/lsq.12110},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/lsq.12110},
  urldate = {2025-03-27},
  abstract = {Some studies of policy representation test hypotheses about the relationship between citizens' views and elites' positions on multiple issues by proceeding one issue at a time. Others summarize citizens' and elites' preferences with “ideology scores” and test hypotheses with these. I show that approach is flawed. It misinterprets citizens' ideology scores as summaries of policy preferences, but these scores actually measure ideological consistency across areas: how often citizens' ideal policies are liberal or conservative. Examples show how attending to this distinction overturns conventional wisdom: legislators appear similarly moderate as citizens, not more extreme; however, politically engaged citizens appear especially moderate.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{broockmanDoesAffectivePolarization2023,
  title = {Does {{Affective Polarization Undermine Democratic Norms}} or {{Accountability}}? {{Maybe Not}}},
  shorttitle = {Does {{Affective Polarization Undermine Democratic Norms}} or {{Accountability}}?},
  author = {Broockman, David E. and Kalla, Joshua L. and Westwood, Sean J.},
  date = {2023},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {67},
  number = {3},
  pages = {808--828},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12719},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ajps.12719},
  urldate = {2025-11-14},
  abstract = {Scholars warn that affective polarization undermines democratic norms and accountability. They speculate that if citizens were less affectively polarized, they would be less likely to endorse norm violations, overlook copartisan politicians’ shortcomings, oppose compromise, adopt their party's views, or misperceive economic conditions. We advance reasons to doubt that affective polarization influences political choices. We support this argument with five experiments that manipulate citizens’ affective polarization with multiple approaches. We then trace the downstream consequences of manipulating citizens’ affective polarization, such as their reactions to information about their actual representatives in Congress. In our experiments (total N = 12,341), we “rewind” the equivalent of three decades of change in affective polarization but find no evidence that these changes influence many political outcomes, only general questions about interpersonal attitudes. Our results suggest caution when assuming that reducing affective polarization would meaningfully bolster democratic norms or accountability.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WLC92C76\Broockman et al. - 2023 - Does Affective Polarization Undermine Democratic Norms or Accountability Maybe Not.pdf}
}

@article{broockmanSupplementaryAppendixApproaches,
  title = {Supplementary {{Appendix}} for ‘{{Approaches}} to {{Studying Policy Representation}}’},
  author = {Broockman, David E},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\IXDU43RL\Broockman - Supplementary Appendix for ‘Approaches to Studying Policy Representation’.pdf}
}

@dataset{brothenSwedishParliamentarySurvey2006,
  title = {The {{Swedish Parliamentary Survey}} 2006},
  author = {Brothén, M. and Holmberg, S.},
  date = {2006},
  publisher = {Swedish National Election Studies Program, University of Gothenburg.}
}

@dataset{brothenSwedishParliamentarySurvey2006a,
  title = {The {{Swedish Parliamentary Survey}} 2006 | {{University}} of {{Gothenburg}}},
  author = {Brothén, M. and Holmberg, S.},
  date = {2006},
  url = {https://www.gu.se/en/swedish-national-election-studies/the-studies/the-riksdag-mp-survey},
  urldate = {2025-12-11},
  abstract = {The Riksdag survey has been conducted on twelve occasions (1969, 1985, 1988, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2002, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2018 and 2022) and thus constitutes the world's longest time series when it comes to studies of elected parliamentarians. The fact that the Riksdag Survey is conducted every term of office means a world-unique opportunity to study how our parliament has developed over time in terms of, for example, the composition of opinions, the view of democracy and representation roles.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LR3HWVRS\the-riksdag-mp-survey.html}
}

@article{brownExtremePartyAnimals2022,
  title = {Extreme Party Animals: {{Effects}} of Political Identification and Ideological Extremity},
  shorttitle = {Extreme Party Animals},
  author = {Brown, Joshua K. and Hohman, Zachary P.},
  date = {2022},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Applied Social Psychology},
  volume = {52},
  number = {5},
  pages = {351--362},
  issn = {1559-1816},
  doi = {10.1111/jasp.12863},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/jasp.12863},
  urldate = {2024-06-08},
  abstract = {Many Americans’ political identity is more relevant, salient, and central than their American identity. Political parties provide party members with an identity and belief system. Political identities influence identity-based ideologies which increase affective polarization and potential anti-social intergroup conflict between political parties. The purpose of the current research is to determine how political party identification and ideological extremity influences affective polarization for Republicans and Democrats across two studies. Participants in both studies completed a survey which measured political identification, ideological extremity, and uniquely operationalized measures of affective polarization, including support for co-partisans, attitudes about political rivals, emotions towards political rivals, action tendencies towards political rivals, and perceived threat from political rivals. Study 1 (N = 530) used responses to the survey from a convenience sample crowdsourced by Amazon Mechanical Turk (AMT) in 2018. Study 1 showed that higher political party identification is associated with significantly higher affective polarization for members of both parties and that ideological extremity partially mediates this effect. Study 2 (N = 260) used a 2020 AMT sample to replicate Study 1’s results. Findings extend our understanding of identity-based ideological extremity and suggest that affective polarization could be driven by political party identification and partisans’ ideological extremity.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{bruggerRoleAttitudeStrength2019,
  title = {The {{Role}} of {{Attitude Strength}} in {{Behavioral Spillover}}: {{Attitude Matters}}—{{But Not Necessarily}} as a {{Moderator}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Role}} of {{Attitude Strength}} in {{Behavioral Spillover}}},
  author = {Brügger, Adrian and Höchli, Bettina},
  date = {2019-05-09},
  journaltitle = {Frontiers in Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Front. Psychol.},
  volume = {10},
  publisher = {Frontiers},
  issn = {1664-1078},
  doi = {10.3389/fpsyg.2019.01018},
  url = {https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.01018/full},
  urldate = {2025-03-12},
  abstract = {{$<$}p{$>$}Studies on how one behavior affects subsequent behaviors find evidence for two opposite trends: Sometimes a first behavior increases the likelihood of engaging in additional behaviors that contribute to the same goal (positive behavioral spillover), and at other times a first behavior decreases this likelihood (negative spillover). A factor that may explain both patterns is attitude strength. A stronger (more favorable) attitude toward an issue may make the connections between related behaviors more salient and increase the motivation to work toward the underlying goal. We predicted that people with a stronger (more favorable) attitude are more likely to engage in subsequent behaviors that address an issue they care about. Two experiments tested the prediction in the contexts of pro-environmental and health behavior. Study 1 ({$<$}italic{$>$}N{$<$}/italic{$>$} = 378) provided some support for the predicted moderating role of attitude toward the environment when participants recalled either an environmentally friendly or unfriendly action: A strong attitude increased the likelihood, whereas a weak attitude decreased the likelihood of carrying out successive goal-conducive behaviors. When compared to a neutral control condition in Study 2 ({$<$}italic{$>$}N{$<$}/italic{$>$} = 929), participants with a weak environmental attitude supported pro-environmental petitions {$<$}italic{$>$}less{$<$}/italic{$>$} strongly after an environmentally harmful action. Support for such petitions did not waver, however, among participants with a strong environmental attitude: They consistently acted environmentally friendly. Contrary to the hypothesis, in neither study did strength of attitude toward personal health moderate the effect of an initial behavior in the expected direction. In sum, the two studies provided only limited evidence for behavioral spillover: Participants mostly acted in accordance with their attitude but were hardly affected by recalling previous actions. When behavioral spillover did occur, however, a strong environmental attitude tended to increase the likelihood of acting in an environmentally friendly way, whereas the behavior of those with a weak attitude was less predictable. This research contributes to a more nuanced theoretical understanding of the role of attitude in spillover, but provides only limited evidence for its role as a moderator.{$<$}/p{$>$}},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Behavioral spillover,Environmental attitude (EA),health attitude,Health Behavior,Moral cleansing,moral licensing,Pro-environmental behavior (PEB)},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\M6BRWV8C\Brügger and Höchli - 2019 - The Role of Attitude Strength in Behavioral Spillover Attitude Matters—But Not Necessarily as a Mod.pdf}
}

@article{bullockEliteInfluencePublic2011,
  title = {Elite {{Influence}} on {{Public Opinion}} in an {{Informed Electorate}}},
  author = {Bullock, John G.},
  date = {2011-08},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {105},
  number = {3},
  pages = {496--515},
  issn = {1537-5943, 0003-0554},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055411000165},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/elite-influence-on-public-opinion-in-an-informed-electorate/7A5185F2D31929DC547F735F8F3F9DB5},
  urldate = {2025-05-15},
  abstract = {An enduring concern about democracies is that citizens conform too readily to the policy views of elites in their own parties, even to the point of ignoring other information about the policies in question. This article presents two experiments that undermine this concern, at least under one important condition. People rarely possess even a modicum of information about policies; but when they do, their attitudes seem to be affected at least as much by that information as by cues from party elites. The experiments also measure the extent to which people think about policy. Contrary to many accounts, they suggest that party cues do not inhibit such thinking. This is not cause for unbridled optimism about citizens' ability to make good decisions, but it is reason to be more sanguine about their ability to use information about policy when they have it.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NZLJY4DE\Bullock - 2011 - Elite Influence on Public Opinion in an Informed Electorate.pdf}
}

@article{burgerPoliticalIdeologyAttitudinal2024,
  title = {Political {{Ideology}} and {{Attitudinal Ambivalence}}: {{Investigating}} the {{Role}} of {{Ideological Extremity}}},
  shorttitle = {Political {{Ideology}} and {{Attitudinal Ambivalence}}},
  author = {Burger, Axel M.},
  date = {2024-01-09},
  journaltitle = {Social Psychological and Personality Science},
  pages = {19485506231222958},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1948-5506},
  doi = {10.1177/19485506231222958},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506231222958},
  urldate = {2025-03-11},
  abstract = {Are individual differences in political ideology associated with inclinations to hold more or less ambivalent attitudes? Extant research on the linear association of political ideology with attitudinal ambivalence yielded inconsistent findings. The present research tested the hypotheses (a) that the association of political ideology with attitudinal ambivalence is curvilinear with lower levels of ambivalence at both extremes of the ideological spectrum and (b) that higher political interest is associated with lower levels of attitudinal ambivalence. It used data from large and demographically diverse electoral surveys in a set of three studies (Study 1: N = 13,808; Study 2: N = 6,528; Study 3: N = 4,789) that focused on attitudes toward political candidates (Studies 1 and 2) as well as political parties (Study 3) in Germany. Overall, the results support both hypotheses even when general attitudes toward the politicians and parties are controlled in the analyses.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WSJ2KFJ4\Burger - 2024 - Political Ideology and Attitudinal Ambivalence Investigating the Role of Ideological Extremity.pdf}
}

@article{burtPolygenicIndicesAka2024,
  title = {Polygenic {{Indices}} (a.k.a. {{Polygenic Scores}}) in {{Social Science}}: {{A Guide}} for {{Interpretation}} and {{Evaluation}}},
  shorttitle = {Polygenic {{Indices}} (a.k.a. {{Polygenic Scores}}) in {{Social Science}}},
  author = {Burt, Callie H.},
  date = {2024-08},
  journaltitle = {Sociological methodology},
  shortjournal = {Sociol Methodol},
  volume = {54},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {39091537},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {300--350},
  issn = {0081-1750},
  doi = {10.1177/00811750241236482},
  url = {https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11293310/},
  urldate = {2024-10-11},
  abstract = {Polygenic indices (PGI)—the new recommended label for polygenic scores (PGS) in social science—are genetic summary scales often used to represent an individual’s liability for a disease, trait, or behavior based on the additive effects of measured genetic variants. Enthusiasm for linking genetic data with social outcomes and the inclusion of premade PGIs in social science datasets have facilitated increased uptake of PGIs in social science research—a trend that will likely continue. Yet, most social scientists lack the expertise to interpret and evaluate PGIs in social science research. Here, we provide a primer on PGIs for social scientists focusing on key concepts, unique statistical genetic considerations, and best practices in calculation, estimation, reporting, and interpretation. We summarize our recommended best practices as a checklist to aid social scientists in evaluating and interpreting studies with PGIs. We conclude by discussing the similarities between PGIs and standard social science scales and unique interpretative considerations.},
  pmcid = {PMC11293310},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\MZH47X85\Burt - 2024 - Polygenic Indices (a.k.a. Polygenic Scores) in Soc.pdf}
}

@article{byrdUltimateAttributionGenetic2015,
  title = {Ultimate {{Attribution}} in the {{Genetic Era}}: {{White Support}} for {{Genetic Explanations}} of {{Racial Difference}} and {{Policies}}},
  shorttitle = {Ultimate {{Attribution}} in the {{Genetic Era}}},
  author = {Byrd, W. Carson and Ray, Victor E.},
  date = {2015-09},
  journaltitle = {The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  shortjournal = {The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  volume = {661},
  number = {1},
  pages = {212--235},
  issn = {0002-7162, 1552-3349},
  doi = {10.1177/0002716215587887},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0002716215587887},
  urldate = {2025-09-27},
  abstract = {This study uses a nationally representative survey to examine the relationship between attitudes about genetics and race. We focus on the ways in which negative out-group behavior can be explained as innate and genetic (Pettigrew’s “ultimate attribution error”), and how this may underlie racial prejudice and racial individualism—the notion that individual capabilities, not structural inequality or discrimination, drive racial stratification. We examine the relationship between attitudes about genetics and racially ameliorative policies. We find whites are more accepting of genetic explanations for blacks’ traits and behaviors. Our analyses show that racialized genetic attribution, among other factors, increases opposition to racial policies. When linked with racial individualism, though, genetic attribution can actually reduce opposition to racial policies—a finding that paints a disconcerting picture of how biological determinism is embedded in white racial ideology. Findings are discussed in relation to efforts to reduce racial inequality.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GTGNPRFK\Byrd and Ray - 2015 - Ultimate Attribution in the Genetic Era White Support for Genetic Explanations of Racial Difference.pdf}
}

@article{cacioppoNeedCognition1982,
  title = {The Need for Cognition},
  author = {Cacioppo, John T. and Petty, Richard E.},
  date = {1982},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  volume = {42},
  number = {1},
  pages = {116--131},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-1315},
  doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.42.1.116},
  abstract = {Developed and validated the Need for Cognition Scale (NCS). In Study 1, a pool of items was administered to 96 faculty members (high-need-for-cognition group) and assembly line workers (low-need-for-cognition group). Ambiguity, irrelevance, and internal consistency were used to select items for subsequent studies. Factor analysis yielded one major factor. In Study 2, the NCS and the Group Embedded Figures Test were administered to 419 undergraduates to validate the factor structure and to determine whether the NCS tapped a construct distinct from test anxiety and cognitive style. The factor structure was replicated, and responses to the NCS were weakly related to cognitive style and unrelated to test anxiety. In Study 3, 104 undergraduates completed the NCS, the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale, and a dogmatism scale. Results indicate that need for cognition was related weakly and negatively to being closeminded, unrelated to social desirability, and positively correlated with general intelligence. Study 4 (97 undergraduates) furnished evidence of the predictive validity of the NCS. (32 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Cognition,Needs,Personality Measures,Test Construction,Test Validity}
}

@book{campbellAmericanVoter1960,
  title = {The {{American}} Voter},
  author = {Campbell, Angus and Converse, Philip E. and Miller, Warren E. and Stokes, Donald E.},
  date = {1960},
  series = {The {{American}} Voter},
  pages = {viii, 573},
  publisher = {John Wiley},
  location = {Oxford, England},
  abstract = {A report of a research project on American voting behavior begun in 1948 at the Survey Research Center, University of Michigan. Contains new data on the factors of identification, atitudes, social groupings, personality, etc. as they determine voting behavior, as well as theoretical discussions about the operation of those factors. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)},
  pagetotal = {viii, 573},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\T6VFAZUI\1961-00712-000.html}
}

@book{campbellAmericanVoter1980,
  title = {The {{American Voter}}},
  author = {Campbell, Angus and Center, University of Michigan Survey Research},
  date = {1980-09-15},
  eprint = {JeYUrs_GOcMC},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  abstract = {Here is the unabridged version of the classic theoretical study of voting behavior, originally published in 1960. It is a standard reference in the field of electoral research, presenting formulations of the theoretical issues that have been the focus of scholarly publication. No single study matches the study of The American Voter.},
  isbn = {978-0-226-09254-6},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {576},
  keywords = {History / General,Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections,Political Science / Political Process / Political Parties}
}

@book{campbellAmericanVoter1980a,
  title = {The {{American}} Voter},
  editor = {Campbell, Angus and {University of Michigan} and {University of Michigan}},
  date = {1980},
  series = {Midway Reprint},
  edition = {Unabridged ed},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  location = {Chicago [Ill.]},
  isbn = {978-0-226-09254-6},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {573},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RQVUBZRK\Campbell et al. - 1980 - The American voter.pdf}
}

@article{canes-wroneIssueAccountabilityMass2011,
  title = {Issue {{Accountability}} and the {{Mass Public}}},
  author = {Canes-Wrone, Brandice and Minozzi, William and Reveley, Jessica Bonney},
  date = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
  volume = {36},
  number = {1},
  pages = {5--35},
  issn = {1939-9162},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1939-9162.2010.00002.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1939-9162.2010.00002.x},
  urldate = {2025-06-23},
  abstract = {Under what conditions, if any, does the mass electorate hold congressional members accountable for their records on specific issues? We examine this question on the issue of crime, for which salience has varied substantially and opinion has favored Republicans, and the environment, for which salience has not varied much and voters have favored Democrats. Because different parametric specifications produce divergent findings, we utilize matching analysis in addition to ordinary least squares. The tests suggest that issue accountability exists even controlling for a member's overall record. However, such accountability depends crucially on issue salience and a member's partisan affiliation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\W5BFJBYZ\\Canes-Wrone et al. - 2011 - Issue Accountability and the Mass Public.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\IBMK7ANA\\j.1939-9162.2010.00002.html}
}

@article{caprarielloSocialStructureShapes2009,
  title = {Social {{Structure Shapes Cultural Stereotypes}} and {{Emotions}}: {{A Causal Test}} of the {{Stereotype Content Model}}},
  shorttitle = {Social {{Structure Shapes Cultural Stereotypes}} and {{Emotions}}},
  author = {Caprariello, Peter A. and Cuddy, Amy J. C. and Fiske, Susan T.},
  date = {2009-03-01},
  journaltitle = {Group Processes \& Intergroup Relations},
  volume = {12},
  number = {2},
  pages = {147--155},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {1368-4302},
  doi = {10.1177/1368430208101053},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1368430208101053},
  urldate = {2025-09-04},
  abstract = {The stereotype content model (SCM) posits that social structure predicts specific cultural stereotypes and associated emotional prejudices. No prior evidence at a societal level has manipulated both structural predictors and measured both stereotypes and prejudices. In the present study, participants (n = 120) responded to an immigration scenario depicting a high- or low-status group, competitive or not competitive, and rated their likely stereotype (on warmth and competence) and elicited emotional prejudices (admiration, contempt, envy, and pity). Seven of eight specific predictions are fully confirmed, supporting the SCM's predicted causality for social structural effects on cultural stereotypes and emotional prejudices.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\K3DHC39G\Caprariello et al. - 2009 - Social Structure Shapes Cultural Stereotypes and Emotions A Causal Test of the Stereotype Content M.pdf}
}

@article{carejaThirtyYearsWelfare2022,
  title = {Thirty Years of Welfare Chauvinism Research: {{Findings}} and Challenges},
  shorttitle = {Thirty Years of Welfare Chauvinism Research},
  author = {Careja, Romana and Harris, Eloisa},
  date = {2022-05-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Social Policy},
  volume = {32},
  number = {2},
  pages = {212--224},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {0958-9287},
  doi = {10.1177/09589287211068796},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/09589287211068796},
  urldate = {2025-11-26},
  abstract = {The term ‘welfare chauvinism’ has achieved a certain currency in social science research and is used widely. Yet, the concept is not without its critics, who claim that welfare chauvinism is ‘loaded’ or ‘ambiguous’. This article reviews empirical studies of welfare chauvinism, from the 1990s to the present day, drawing primarily from party politics and attitudes research. We identify differences in how the concept is used, defined, operationalized and measured. We emphasize the importance of a unified language, operationalization and measurement, and identify promising directions for future research.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\XAEXQWFB\Careja and Harris - 2022 - Thirty years of welfare chauvinism research Findings and challenges.pdf}
}

@incollection{carius-munzPartisanshipConceptualizationsConsequences2020,
  title = {Partisanship: Conceptualizations and Consequences},
  shorttitle = {Partisanship},
  booktitle = {Research {{Handbook}} on {{Political Partisanship}}},
  author = {Carius-Munz, Lisa Madeleine},
  editor = {Oscarsson, Henrik and Holmberg, Sören},
  date = {2020-05-14},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  doi = {10.4337/9781788111997.00009},
  url = {https://china.elgaronline.com/view/edcoll/9781788111980/9781788111980.00009.xml},
  urldate = {2024-04-02},
  isbn = {978-1-78811-199-7 978-1-78811-198-0},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZBPVCFER\Carius-Munz - 2020 - Partisanship conceptualizations and consequences.pdf}
}

@article{carminesNewLookPolitical2015,
  title = {The {{New Look}} in {{Political Ideology Research}}},
  author = {Carmines, Edward G. and D'Amico, Nicholas J.},
  date = {2015-05-11},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  shortjournal = {Annu. Rev. Polit. Sci.},
  volume = {18},
  number = {1},
  pages = {205--216},
  issn = {1094-2939, 1545-1577},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-060314-115422},
  url = {https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/10.1146/annurev-polisci-060314-115422},
  urldate = {2025-04-03},
  abstract = {Over 50 years of research into American political ideology have left scholars with a contested paradigm. One side argues that the mass public is distinctly nonideological. The other side argues that ideological thinking is not beyond the public. The way forward for research in political ideology does not lie in rehashing this debate but in advancing two new areas of work. The first considers the role that values and principles play in determining the political and ideological thinking of individuals. The second questions the current conception and measurement standards of political ideology. This research argues that ideology among the American mass public is formed by positions along two related but separate dimensions. In this article, we summarize the major arguments of and criticisms of current ideology research. Then we discuss recent research on principles and values and the measurement of ideology.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JCH7MI3J\Carmines and D'Amico - 2015 - The New Look in Political Ideology Research.pdf}
}

@article{carminesTwoFacesIssue1980,
  title = {The {{Two Faces}} of {{Issue Voting}}},
  author = {Carmines, Edward G. and Stimson, James A.},
  date = {1980-03},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {74},
  number = {1},
  pages = {78--91},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.2307/1955648},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/abs/two-faces-of-issue-voting/FA9C6296524540F33E4FCE4C1F563D1C},
  urldate = {2024-09-05},
  abstract = {Both implicit democratic norms and the reconstructions provided by theorists of rational choice suggest that issue voters are more sophisticated–educated, informed, and active in politics–than other voters. But some issues are clearly more difficult than others, and the voters who respond to “hard” and “easy” issues, respectively, are assumed to differ in kind. We propose the hypothesis that “easy-issue” voters are no more sophisticated than non-issue voters, and this is found to be the case. The findings suggest a reevaluation of the import of rising and falling levels of issue voting and suggest a prominent role for “easy” issues in electoral realignments.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{carminesTwoFacesIssue1980a,
  title = {The {{Two Faces}} of {{Issue Voting}}},
  author = {Carmines, Edward G. and Stimson, James A.},
  date = {1980-03},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  shortjournal = {Am Polit Sci Rev},
  volume = {74},
  number = {1},
  pages = {78--91},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.2307/1955648},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400165232/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-10-03},
  abstract = {Both implicit democratic norms and the reconstructions provided by theorists of rational choice suggest that issue voters are more sophisticated–educated, informed, and active in politics–than other voters. But some issues are clearly more difficult than others, and the voters who respond to “hard” and “easy” issues, respectively, are assumed to differ in kind. We propose the hypothesis that “easy-issue” voters are no more sophisticated than non-issue voters, and this is found to be the case. The findings suggest a reevaluation of the import of rising and falling levels of issue voting and suggest a prominent role for “easy” issues in electoral realignments.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZI5AW9IH\Carmines and Stimson - 1980 - The Two Faces of Issue Voting.pdf}
}

@article{carrollExplainingCitizenPerceptions2018,
  title = {Explaining Citizen Perceptions of Party Ideological Positions: {{The}} Mediating Role of Political Contexts},
  shorttitle = {Explaining Citizen Perceptions of Party Ideological Positions},
  author = {Carroll, Royce and Kubo, Hiroki},
  date = {2018-02-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {51},
  pages = {14--23},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2017.11.001},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379417302846},
  urldate = {2025-08-07},
  abstract = {In this paper we examine how political contexts mediate citizens' ability to understand political parties' ideological positions, focusing on education level. Using cross-national data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES), we explore how the effect of individual education level is mediated by contextual factors influencing the supply and clarity of information in a party system. The results show that the effect of education levels in improving citizens' ability to perceive party ideological locations varies with some political contexts. First, in cases where the supply of such information is limited due to less democratic experience and less programmatic party politics, the effect of education is weakened. However, the effect of education increases in contexts where we would expect less clarity of party position information—where parties are least polarized and where institutional factors add complexity to party competition.},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\CFCWI5F6\\Carroll and Kubo - 2018 - Explaining citizen perceptions of party ideological positions The mediating role of political conte.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\TBKAWS4Y\\S0261379417302846.html}
}

@article{carrollPolarizationIdeologicalCongruence2018,
  title = {Polarization and Ideological Congruence between Parties and Supporters in {{Europe}}},
  author = {Carroll, Royce and Kubo, Hiroki},
  date = {2018-07-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  shortjournal = {Public Choice},
  volume = {176},
  number = {1},
  pages = {247--265},
  issn = {1573-7101},
  doi = {10.1007/s11127-018-0562-0},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-018-0562-0},
  urldate = {2024-11-05},
  abstract = {The relationship between parties and their supporters is central to democracy and ideological representation is among the most important of these linkages. We conduct an investigation of party-supporter congruence in Europe with emphasis on the measurement of ideology and focusing on the role of party system polarization, both as a direct factor in explaining congruence and in modifying the effects of voter sophistication. Understanding this relationship depends in part on how the ideology of parties and supporters is measured. We use Poole’s Blackbox scaling to derive a measure of latent ideology from voter and expert responses to issue scale questions and compare this to a measure based on left–right perceptions. We then examine how variation in the proximity between parties ideological positions and those of their supporters is affected by the polarization of the party system and how this relationship interacts with political sophistication. With the latent ideology measure, we find that polarization decreases party-supporter congruence but increases the effects of respondent education level on congruence. However, we do not find these relationships using the left–right perceptual measure. Our findings underscore important differences between perceptions of left–right labels and the ideological constraint underlying issue positions.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Congruence,Ideology,Polarization,Political parties,Representation},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\Z6VEN4KM\Carroll and Kubo - 2018 - Polarization and ideological congruence between pa.pdf}
}

@article{carrollPolarizationIdeologicalCongruence2018a,
  title = {Polarization and Ideological Congruence between Parties and Supporters in {{Europe}}},
  author = {Carroll, Royce and Kubo, Hiroki},
  date = {2018-07-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  shortjournal = {Public Choice},
  volume = {176},
  number = {1},
  pages = {247--265},
  publisher = {Springer US},
  issn = {1573-7101},
  doi = {10.1007/s11127-018-0562-0},
  url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11127-018-0562-0},
  urldate = {2025-06-18},
  abstract = {The relationship between parties and their supporters is central to democracy and ideological representation is among the most important of these linkages. We conduct an investigation of party-supporter congruence in Europe with emphasis on the measurement of ideology and focusing on the role of party system polarization, both as a direct factor in explaining congruence and in modifying the effects of voter sophistication. Understanding this relationship depends in part on how the ideology of parties and supporters is measured. We use Poole’s Blackbox scaling to derive a measure of latent ideology from voter and expert responses to issue scale questions and compare this to a measure based on left–right perceptions. We then examine how variation in the proximity between parties ideological positions and those of their supporters is affected by the polarization of the party system and how this relationship interacts with political sophistication. With the latent ideology measure, we find that polarization decreases party-supporter congruence but increases the effects of respondent education level on congruence. However, we do not find these relationships using the left–right perceptual measure. Our findings underscore important differences between perceptions of left–right labels and the ideological constraint underlying issue positions.},
  issue = {1},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\7B6W9GXM\Carroll and Kubo - 2018 - Polarization and ideological congruence between parties and supporters in Europe.pdf}
}

@article{carseyChangingSidesChanging2006,
  title = {Changing {{Sides}} or {{Changing Minds}}? {{Party Identification}} and {{Policy Preferences}} in the {{American Electorate}}},
  shorttitle = {Changing {{Sides}} or {{Changing Minds}}?},
  author = {Carsey, Thomas M. and Layman, Geoffrey C.},
  date = {2006},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {50},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {3694284},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {464--477},
  publisher = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/3694284},
  urldate = {2025-10-28},
  abstract = {Scholars have long debated the individual-level relationship between partisanship and policy preferences. We argue that partisanship and issue attitudes cause changes in each other, but the pattern of influence varies systematically. Issue-based change in party identification should occur among individuals who are aware of party differences on an issue and find that issue to be salient. Individuals who are aware of party differences, but do not attach importance to the issue, should evidence party-based issue change. Those lacking awareness of party differences on an issue should show neither effect. We test our account by examining individuals' party identifications and their attitudes on abortion, government spending and provision of services, and government help for African Americans using the 1992-94-96 National Election Study panel study, finding strong support for our argument. We discuss the implications of our findings both for the microlevel study of party identification and the macrolevel analysis of partisan change.}
}

@article{cesariniPreBirthFactorsPostBirth2014,
  title = {Pre-{{Birth Factors}}, {{Post-Birth Factors}}, and {{Voting}}: {{Evidence}} from {{Swedish Adoption Data}}},
  shorttitle = {Pre-{{Birth Factors}}, {{Post-Birth Factors}}, and {{Voting}}},
  author = {Cesarini, David and Johannesson, Magnus and Oskarsson, Sven},
  date = {2014},
  journaltitle = {The American Political Science Review},
  volume = {108},
  number = {1},
  eprint = {43654048},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {71--87},
  publisher = {[American Political Science Association, Cambridge University Press]},
  issn = {0003-0554},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/43654048},
  urldate = {2024-06-05},
  abstract = {This article analyzes a rich Swedish data set with information on the electoral turnout of a large sample of adoptees, their siblings, their adoptive parents, and their biological parents. We use a simple regression framework to decompose the parent-child resemblance in voting into pre-birth factors, measured by biological parents' voting, and post-birth factors, measured by adoptive parents' voting. Adoptees are more likely to vote if their biological parents were voters and if they were assigned to families in which the adoptive parents vote. We find evidence of interactions between the pre-and post-birth factors: the effect of the post-birth environment on turnout is greater amongst adoptees whose biological mothers are nonvoters. We also show that the relationships between parental characteristics, such as education, and child turnout, persist even in the absence of a genetic link between parent and child. The regression-based framework we utilize provides a basis for the integration of behavior-genetic research into mainstream political science.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\IV3CLT2S\Cesarini et al. - 2014 - Pre-Birth Factors, Post-Birth Factors, and Voting.pdf}
}

@article{chabrisFourthLawBehavior2015,
  title = {The {{Fourth Law}} of {{Behavior Genetics}}},
  author = {Chabris, Christopher F. and Lee, James J. and Cesarini, David and Benjamin, Daniel J. and Laibson, David I.},
  date = {2015-08},
  journaltitle = {Current Directions in Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Curr Dir Psychol Sci},
  volume = {24},
  number = {4},
  pages = {304--312},
  issn = {0963-7214, 1467-8721},
  doi = {10.1177/0963721415580430},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0963721415580430},
  urldate = {2024-09-24},
  abstract = {Behavior genetics is the study of the relationship between genetic variation and psychological traits. Turkheimer (2000) proposed “Three Laws of Behavior Genetics” based on empirical regularities observed in studies of twins and other kinships. On the basis of molecular studies that have measured DNA variation directly, we propose a Fourth Law of Behavior Genetics: “A typical human behavioral trait is associated with very many genetic variants, each of which accounts for a very small percentage of the behavioral variability.” This law explains several consistent patterns in the results of gene-discovery studies, including the failure of candidate-gene studies to robustly replicate, the need for genome-wide association studies (and why such studies have a much stronger replication record), and the crucial importance of extremely large samples in these endeavors. We review the evidence in favor of the Fourth Law and discuss its implications for the design and interpretation of gene-behavior research.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\AQ6AE3EK\Chabris et al. - 2015 - The Fourth Law of Behavior Genetics.pdf}
}

@dataset{CHES,
  title = {{{CHES}}}
}

@article{chirumboloRelationshipNeedCognitive2002,
  title = {The Relationship between Need for Cognitive Closure and Political Orientation: The Mediating Role of Authoritarianism},
  shorttitle = {The Relationship between Need for Cognitive Closure and Political Orientation},
  author = {Chirumbolo, Antonio},
  date = {2002-03-01},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  shortjournal = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  volume = {32},
  number = {4},
  pages = {603--610},
  issn = {0191-8869},
  doi = {10.1016/S0191-8869(01)00062-9},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0191886901000629},
  urldate = {2025-03-28},
  abstract = {As regards the relationship between cognitive style, authoritarianism and politics, no secure conclusion can be drawn and the debate is still alive. This contribution explores the relationship between need for closure, authoritarianism and political orientation. One hundred and seventy-eight Italian participants were administered the Italian version of the Need for Cognitive Closure scale, an Italian version of the authoritarianism scale and a measure of political orientation. Results show that both need for closure and authoritarianism are associated with a right wing political orientation, and that this relationship is linear. Moreover, authoritarianism seems to mediate the influence of need for closure on political orientation.},
  keywords = {Authoritarianism,Cognitive style,Ideology,Need for closure,Personality,Political orientation,Politics},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\KXTK3FNX\S0191886901000629.html}
}

@article{ciukEffectsIssueSalience2016,
  title = {The {{Effects}} of {{Issue Salience}}, {{Elite Influence}}, and {{Policy Content}} on {{Public Opinion}}},
  author = {Ciuk, David J. and Yost, Berwood A.},
  date = {2016-04-02},
  journaltitle = {Political Communication},
  volume = {33},
  number = {2},
  pages = {328--345},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1058-4609},
  doi = {10.1080/10584609.2015.1017629},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2015.1017629},
  urldate = {2025-11-17},
  abstract = {When do citizens rely on party cues, and when do they incorporate policy-relevant information into their political attitudes? Recent research suggests that members of the public, when they possess some policy-relevant information, use that information as much as they use party cues when forming political attitudes. We aim to advance this research by specifying conditions that motivate people to use content over cues and vice versa. Specifically, we believe that increased issue salience motivates people to go beyond heuristics and engage in the systematic processing of policy-relevant information. Using data from a survey experiment that isolates the effects of policy-relevant information, party cues, and issue salience, we find that people are more likely to incorporate policy-relevant information when thinking about hydraulic fracturing (fracking), a relatively high-salience issue. When thinking about storm-water management, a relatively low-salience issue, people are more likely to rely on party cues.},
  keywords = {information,issue salience,party cues,public opinion},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NH4DIU6L\Ciuk and Yost - 2016 - The Effects of Issue Salience, Elite Influence, and Policy Content on Public Opinion.pdf}
}

@online{clarkeExtremismCentreUncovering2024,
  title = {Extremism at the Centre: {{Uncovering}} Political Diversity amongst Midpoint Responders on the Left-Right Self-Placement Item},
  shorttitle = {Extremism at the Centre},
  author = {Clarke, Edward John Roy and Eckerle, Frank and Hill, Stephen and Kerr, John R. and Ling, Mathew and Marques, Mathew da Costa and Williams, Matt},
  date = {2024-12-20},
  eprinttype = {OSF},
  doi = {10.31234/osf.io/q72e4},
  url = {https://osf.io/q72e4_v1},
  urldate = {2025-04-03},
  abstract = {A significant body of research has examined the relationships between political ideology and conspiracy beliefs. Conspiracy theories are often considered the province of “extremist” political positions. Intriguingly, however, several recent studies have demonstrated that people at the midpoint of the left-right self-placement item often displayed elevated conspiracy beliefs. The cause of this “midpoint bump” is unknown. Based on these observations, our research investigated the extent to which midpoint bumps exist in other domains. Using data from the Australian Election Study (N = 2179) and the American National Election Study (N = 8280), we conducted polynomial tests on the relationships between the left-right item and a range of social and political attitudes. We found W-shaped relationships primarily across attitudes towards the political system and immigrants. To explore the possibility that subgroups may hold anti-establishment and anti-immigrant attitudes that distinguish them from typically-moderate responders, we conducted Latent Profile Analyses on midpoint responders. In both samples, one profile represented an extreme response pattern relative to other profiles, consistent with populist attitudes. We discuss the implications of the left-right scale conflating political diversity at the midpoint for ideological measurement, as well as how it hinders understanding anti-establishment tendencies across the political spectrum.},
  langid = {american},
  pubstate = {prepublished},
  keywords = {anti-establishment attitudes,ideology measurement,left-right self-placement,populist attitudes,scale midpoint},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GWXZWNQD\Clarke et al. - 2024 - Extremism at the centre Uncovering political diversity amongst midpoint responders on the left-righ.pdf}
}

@article{cliffordIndividualDifferencesGroup2017,
  title = {Individual {{Differences}} in {{Group Loyalty Predict Partisan Strength}}},
  author = {Clifford, Scott},
  date = {2017-09},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {39},
  number = {3},
  pages = {531--552},
  issn = {0190-9320, 1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-016-9367-3},
  url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-016-9367-3},
  urldate = {2024-04-05},
  abstract = {The strength of an individual’s identification with their political party is a powerful predictor of their engagement with politics, voting behavior, and polarization. Partisanship is often characterized as primarily a social identity, rather than an expression of instrumental goals. Yet, it is unclear why some people develop strong partisan attachments while others do not. I argue that the moral foundation of Loyalty, which represents an individual difference in the tendency to hold strong group attachments, facilitates stronger partisan identification. Across two samples, including a national panel and a convenience sample, as well as multiple measures of the moral foundations, I demonstrate that the Loyalty foundation is a robust predictor of partisan strength. Moreover, I show that these effects cannot be explained by patriotism, ideological extremity, or directional effects on partisanship. Overall, the results provide further evidence for partisanship as a social identity, as well as insight into the sources of partisan strength.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\MQFHZP92\Clifford - 2017 - Individual Differences in Group Loyalty Predict Pa.pdf}
}

@article{cobb-clarkStabilityBigfivePersonality2012,
  title = {The Stability of Big-Five Personality Traits},
  author = {Cobb-Clark, Deborah A. and Schurer, Stefanie},
  date = {2012-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Economics Letters},
  shortjournal = {Economics Letters},
  volume = {115},
  number = {1},
  pages = {11--15},
  issn = {0165-1765},
  doi = {10.1016/j.econlet.2011.11.015},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0165176511004666},
  urldate = {2024-06-27},
  abstract = {We demonstrate that Big-Five personality traits are stable for working-age adults over a four-year period. Mean population changes are small and constant across age groups. Intra-individual changes are generally unrelated to adverse life events and are not economically meaningful.},
  keywords = {Big-five personality traits,Non-cognitive skills,Stability,Wages},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\8XBS98FU\\Cobb-Clark and Schurer - 2012 - The stability of big-five personality traits.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\QTC6K9ZT\\S0165176511004666.html}
}

@article{comellasIdeologicalIdentityIssuebased2023,
  title = {Ideological Identity, Issue-Based Ideology and Bipolar Affective Polarization in Multiparty Systems: {{The}} Cases of {{Argentina}}, {{Chile}}, {{Italy}}, {{Portugal}} and {{Spain}}},
  shorttitle = {Ideological Identity, Issue-Based Ideology and Bipolar Affective Polarization in Multiparty Systems},
  author = {Comellas, Josep M. and Torcal, Mariano},
  date = {2023-06},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {83},
  pages = {102615},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2023.102615},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0261379423000379},
  urldate = {2024-04-02},
  abstract = {In multiparty contexts, we know that affective polarization tends to cluster in ideological blocs, although the factors driving this process are still quite unexplored. In this paper, we contribute to filling this gap in the literature by exploring the capacity of ideological identity vis-a`-vis issue-based ideology to polarize sentiments towards party voters into two opposing left-right blocs. Specifically, we provide empirical evidence that affective attachments to ideological labels increase the affective distance between ideological blocs to a greater extent than issue extremity and issue consistency. These bipolarizing effects of ideological identity persist even when the identity is inconsistent with issue-based ideology. Additionally, we show that bipolar affective polarization exerts little reverse influence on ideological identity. We support these arguments using an original survey from the TRI-POL project carried out in five multiparty systems: Argentina, Chile, Italy, Portugal and Spain.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\AYZJC5MA\Comellas and Torcal - 2023 - Ideological identity, issue-based ideology and bip.pdf}
}

@online{ConfirmationBiasIngroup,
  title = {Confirmation {{Bias}}, {{Ingroup Bias}}, and {{Negativity Bias}} in {{Selective Exposure}} to {{Political Information}}},
  doi = {10.1177/0093650217719596},
  url = {https://journals-sagepub-com.ezproxy.its.uu.se/doi/epub/10.1177/0093650217719596},
  urldate = {2025-02-01},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3ENJHU2R\0093650217719596.html}
}

@article{converseTimePartisanStability1969,
  title = {Of {{Time}} and {{Partisan Stability}}},
  author = {Converse, Philip E.},
  date = {1969-07},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  shortjournal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {2},
  number = {2},
  pages = {139--171},
  issn = {0010-4140, 1552-3829},
  doi = {10.1177/001041406900200201},
  url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/001041406900200201},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\KPFXKIRJ\Converse - 1969 - Of Time and Partisan Stability.pdf}
}

@article{converseTimePartisanStability1969a,
  title = {Of {{Time}} and {{Partisan Stability}}},
  author = {Converse, Philip E.},
  date = {1969-07-01},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {2},
  number = {2},
  pages = {139--171},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/001041406900200201},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/001041406900200201},
  urldate = {2024-09-04},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DE6TD49B\Converse - 1969 - Of Time and Partisan Stability.pdf}
}

@article{costaIdeologyNotAffect2021,
  title = {Ideology, {{Not Affect}}: {{What Americans Want}} from {{Political Representation}}},
  shorttitle = {Ideology, {{Not Affect}}},
  author = {Costa, Mia},
  date = {2021},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {65},
  number = {2},
  pages = {342--358},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12571},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ajps.12571},
  urldate = {2025-10-20},
  abstract = {How do citizens want to be represented by elected officials in an era of affective polarization? Contemporary narratives about American politics argue that people embrace elite expressions of negative partisanship, above and beyond representation on policy. Using three conjoint experiments, I examine how individuals weigh the relative value of substantive representation on issues, constituency service, and partisan affect. The findings challenge the notion that Americans are primarily motivated by their affective, partisan identities and demonstrate the value of policy congruence and service responsiveness in terms of perceptions of political representation. The implication is that people evaluate elected officials in ways that we would expect them to in a healthy, functioning representative democracy, rather than one characterized by partisan animus. Even if polarization is driven by “affect, not ideology,” citizens prioritize representational styles centered around the issues that matter to them.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\WHJKNCNH\\Costa - 2021 - Ideology, Not Affect What Americans Want from Political Representation.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\3I4SEHHP\\ajps.html}
}

@incollection{costajr.StabilityChangePersonality1994,
  title = {Stability and Change in Personality from Adolescence through Adulthood},
  booktitle = {The Developing Structure of Temperament and Personality from Infancy to Adulthood},
  author = {Costa Jr., Paul T. and McCrae, Robert R.},
  date = {1994},
  pages = {139--150},
  publisher = {Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc},
  location = {Hillsdale, NJ, US},
  abstract = {present evidence on stability and change [from age 12–63 yrs old] in these 5 factors [neuroticism, extraversion, openness, agreeableness, and conscientiousness] / suggest that personality development is not complete until the end of the decade of the 20s (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)},
  isbn = {978-0-8058-1252-7 978-0-8058-1669-3},
  keywords = {Personality Change,Personality Development,Personality Traits},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NLYZW5WQ\1994-98604-007.html}
}

@incollection{costaNEOInventoriesInstruments2017,
  title = {The {{NEO Inventories}} as {{Instruments}} of {{Psychological Theory}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Costa, Paul T. and McCrae, Robert},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.10},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.10},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {This chapter reviews the contribution of the NEO Inventories and the Five Factor Model to progress in personality psychology since Loevinger’s 1957 essay. Personality structure is now viewed as a complex hierarchy of continuously distributed attributes; the content of this hierarchy consists of traits and their manifestations as needs, habits, and so on. The chapter also introduces the duality principle, according to which personality measures must be understood as both collections of characteristic adaptations and proxy measures of basic tendencies. Finally, the chapter considers the status of Five Factor Theory, a general theory of personality intended to account for research findings stimulated by the discovery and assessment of the Five Factor Model.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\G5FGIRC9\\Costa and McCrae - 2017 - The NEO Inventories as Instruments of Psychologica.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\AX5XJ6JQ\\211680019.html}
}

@article{costelloAbsoluteCertaintyPolitical2023,
  title = {Absolute {{Certainty}} and {{Political Ideology}}: {{A Systematic Test}} of {{Curvilinearity}}},
  shorttitle = {Absolute {{Certainty}} and {{Political Ideology}}},
  author = {Costello, Thomas H. and Bowes, Shauna M.},
  date = {2023-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Social Psychological and Personality Science},
  volume = {14},
  number = {1},
  pages = {93--102},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1948-5506},
  doi = {10.1177/19485506211070410},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506211070410},
  urldate = {2025-05-13},
  abstract = {The present investigation examined curvilinear relations between political ideology, on the one hand, and absolute certainty and dogmatism, on the other, across six online samples (N = 2,889). Ideological extremists were more likely than others to be absolutely certain: About one in three extremists reported being absolutely (i.e., 100\%) certain of the correctness of their political beliefs, whereas about one in 15 non-extremists reported being absolutely certain. Although absolute political certainty was relatively symmetrical across the political left and right, conservatives tended to report greater domain-general dogmatism than liberals. Extremism effects for domain-general dogmatism were also present, however; and ideological asymmetries in dogmatism appeared to be driven by social, rather than economic, ideology. Taken together, these findings underscore the complexity of relations between absolute certainty, dogmatism, and ideology, ultimately challenging the sufficiency of contemporary psychological accounts of ideological (a)symmetries to describe our complex political reality.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{costelloCongruenceVotersParties2021,
  title = {Congruence between Voters and Parties: {{The}} Role of Party-Level Issue Salience},
  shorttitle = {Congruence between Voters and Parties},
  author = {Costello, Rory and Toshkov, Dimiter and Bos, Barend and Krouwel, André},
  date = {2021},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {60},
  number = {1},
  pages = {92--113},
  issn = {1475-6765},
  doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12388},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1475-6765.12388},
  urldate = {2024-11-22},
  abstract = {The level of congruence between parties and their voters can vary greatly from one policy issue to another, which raises questions regarding the effectiveness of political representation. We seek to explain variation in party–voter congruence across issues and parties. We focus on the hypotheses that (1) average proximity between the positions of voters and the party they vote for will be highest on the issues that the party emphasises in the election campaign and that (2) this relationship will be stronger for niche parties. We test these hypotheses using data on the policy preferences of voters, party positions, party attention profiles and salience on concrete policy issues in four countries: The Netherlands, Ireland, Germany and Sweden. Overall, we find that voter–party proximity tends to be higher on issues that the party emphasises. As these are the issues where parties typically have the greatest policy impact, this implies that the quality of representation is highest where it matters most. There is some limited evidence that the positive relationship between issue salience and proximity is stronger for niche parties. In sum, the quality of policy representation varies strongly with party-level issue salience and to a lesser extent with the type of political party.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {congruence,issue salience,political parties,representation,voting-advice-applications},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\5XQ36ZNA\\Cos℡lo et al. - 2021 - Congruence between voters and parties The role of.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\BLRRVN26\\1475-6765.html}
}

@article{costelloCongruenceVotersParties2021a,
  title = {Congruence between Voters and Parties: {{The}} Role of Party-Level Issue Salience},
  shorttitle = {Congruence between Voters and Parties},
  author = {Costello, Rory and Toshkov, Dimiter and Bos, Barend and Krouwel, André},
  date = {2021},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {60},
  number = {1},
  pages = {92--113},
  issn = {1475-6765},
  doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12388},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1475-6765.12388},
  urldate = {2024-11-22},
  abstract = {The level of congruence between parties and their voters can vary greatly from one policy issue to another, which raises questions regarding the effectiveness of political representation. We seek to explain variation in party–voter congruence across issues and parties. We focus on the hypotheses that (1) average proximity between the positions of voters and the party they vote for will be highest on the issues that the party emphasises in the election campaign and that (2) this relationship will be stronger for niche parties. We test these hypotheses using data on the policy preferences of voters, party positions, party attention profiles and salience on concrete policy issues in four countries: The Netherlands, Ireland, Germany and Sweden. Overall, we find that voter–party proximity tends to be higher on issues that the party emphasises. As these are the issues where parties typically have the greatest policy impact, this implies that the quality of representation is highest where it matters most. There is some limited evidence that the positive relationship between issue salience and proximity is stronger for niche parties. In sum, the quality of policy representation varies strongly with party-level issue salience and to a lesser extent with the type of political party.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {congruence,issue salience,political parties,representation,voting-advice-applications},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\UWQUJ8MX\\Cos℡lo et al. - 2021 - Congruence between voters and parties The role of.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\M7T3G6YS\\1475-6765.html}
}

@article{costelloEuropeanParliamentElections2012,
  title = {European {{Parliament Elections}} and {{Political Representation}}: {{Policy Congruence}} between {{Voters}} and {{Parties}}},
  shorttitle = {European {{Parliament Elections}} and {{Political Representation}}},
  author = {Costello, Rory and , Jacques, Thomassen and family=Rosema, given=Martin, prefix=and, useprefix=true},
  date = {2012-11-01},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {35},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1226--1248},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2012.713744},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2012.713744},
  urldate = {2025-06-19},
  abstract = {It is often said that European Parliament elections fail as an instrument to express the will of the European people. However, while the elections are not contested at the European level and are often dominated by national issues, this does not necessarily imply that they fail to connect policy views of voters and representatives. This article examines policy congruence between voters and candidates, utilising the candidate and voter surveys of the European Election Study 2009. First, it demonstrates that policy preferences of candidates and voters are constrained by three separate policy dimensions. Second, it shows that the quality of representation is high in terms of left/right, the main dimension of conflict in European politics, but lower on the cultural and European integration dimensions. Finally, it establishes that in some cases the aggregation of national parties in political groups in the European Parliament poses problems for effective political representation.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\VUJ6LA4J\Costello et al. - 2012 - European Parliament Elections and Political Representation Policy Congruence between Voters and Par.pdf}
}

@article{costelloIssueCongruenceVoters2021,
  title = {Issue Congruence between Voters and Parties: Examining the Democratic Party Mandate in {{Ireland}}},
  shorttitle = {Issue Congruence between Voters and Parties},
  author = {Costello, Rory},
  date = {2021-10-02},
  journaltitle = {Irish Political Studies},
  volume = {36},
  number = {4},
  pages = {581--605},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0790-7184},
  doi = {10.1080/07907184.2021.1973318},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1973318},
  urldate = {2025-06-18},
  abstract = {Political parties often employ the rhetoric of electoral mandates, claiming that the people who voted for them endorsed their policies. However, the level of voter-party issue congruence may vary across parties, issues, and elections; and the views of certain types of voters may be better represented by their party than others. This paper puts forward a series of hypotheses to explain variation in issue congruence, relating to how well-informed voters are about party policy, the role of non-policy determinants of vote choice, and the nature of policy competition between parties. The hypotheses are tested using data from surveys of voters and parties conducted during the 2020 general election and the 2019 European Parliament election in Ireland. Congruence is found to be higher when a party is particularly associated with an issue. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, for whom non-policy attributes play a significant part in voters’ assessments, are found to have lower policy congruence with their voters overall than other parties. While there is no evidence that certain socio-demographic groups are systematically more or less well represented by their parties across all policy areas, some gaps in representation are identified, particularly in relation to so-called ‘cultural’ issues.},
  keywords = {elections,Ireland,issue congruence,party policy,Representation},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\7VD9LIV3\Costello - 2021 - Issue congruence between voters and parties examining the democratic party mandate in Ireland.pdf}
}

@book{costelloMappingHeterogeneityPolitical2023,
  title = {Mapping the Heterogeneity of Political Beliefs and Rigidity},
  author = {Costello, Thomas and Waldman, Irwin and Pennycook, Gordon},
  date = {2023-06-07},
  doi = {10.31234/osf.io/jdtp4},
  abstract = {Longstanding psychological accounts of political conservatism and political extremism posit a foundational role for rigid thoughts, feelings, goals, and behaviors. Critically, these theories rest on a set of auxiliary, implicit hypotheses that can be broadly summarized as follows: rigidity, conservatism, and extremism are conceptually and statistically coherent and offer an appropriate level of definitional resolution for researchers to characterize their mechanistic interplay. Yet rigidity and political ideology are heterogeneous phenomena and so, too, may be their channels of covariance. Here, we use a far-reaching set of self-report measures and cognitive tasks and a flexible, bottom-up analytic strategy to (1) explore the latent structure of political beliefs and rigidity, broadly construed, (2) identify relations between various “flavors” of belief systems and rigidity, and (3) identify dimension-specific non-linear effects. The result is a high-resolution and high-bandwidth “map” of the covariance space that challenges several core assertions of popular theoretical models of political ideology and extremism and surfaces several novel hypotheses that merit consideration in future research. Our results underscore the degree to which individual differences (in both beliefs and rigidity) are situated within intricate causal systems and manifest heterogeneously across diverse people and contexts.}
}

@article{costelloRevisitingRigidityoftheRightHypothesis2023,
  title = {Revisiting the {{Rigidity-of-the-Right Hypothesis}}: {{A Meta-Analytic Review}}},
  author = {Costello, Thomas H and Bowes, Shauna M and Baldwin, Matt W and Malka, Ariel and Tasimi, Arber},
  date = {2023},
  abstract = {The rigidity-of-the-right hypothesis (RRH), which posits that cognitive, motivational, and ideological rigidity resonate with political conservatism, is an influential but controversial psychological account of political ideology. Here, we leverage several methodological and theoretical sources of this controversy to conduct an extensive quantitative review with the dual aims of probing the RRH’s basic assumptions and parsing the RRH literature’s heterogeneity. Using multilevel meta-analyses of relations between varieties of rigidity and ideology measures alongside a bevy of potential moderators (s = 329, k = 708, N = 187,612), we find that associations between conservatism and rigidity are tremendously heterogeneous, suggesting a complex—yet conceptually fertile—network of relations between these constructs. Most notably, whereas social conservatism was robustly associated with rigidity, associations between economic conservatism and rigidity indicators were inconsistent, small, and not statistically significant outside of the United States. Moderator analyses revealed that nonrepresentative sampling, criterion contamination, and disproportionate use of American samples have yielded overestimates of associations between rigidity-related constructs and conservatism in past research. We resolve that drilling into this complexity, thereby moving beyond the question of if conservatives are essentially rigid to when and why they might or might not be, will help provide a more realistic account of the psychological underpinnings of political ideology.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\SAE9NGGC\Costello et al. - Revisiting the Rigidity-of-the-Right Hypothesis A Meta-Analytic Review.pdf}
}

@book{coxMakingVotesCount1997,
  title = {Making {{Votes Count}}: {{Strategic Coordination}} in the {{World}}'s {{Electoral Systems}}},
  shorttitle = {Making {{Votes Count}}},
  author = {Cox, Gary W.},
  date = {1997-03-28},
  eprint = {c3bqMzBoinsC},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  abstract = {Popular elections are at the heart of representative democracy. Thus, understanding the laws and practices that govern such elections is essential to understanding modern democracy. In this book, Cox views electoral laws as posing a variety of coordination problems that political forces must solve. Coordination problems - and with them the necessity of negotiating withdrawals, strategic voting, and other species of strategic coordination - arise in all electoral systems. This book employs a unified game-theoretic model to study strategic coordination worldwide and that relies primarily on constituency-level rather than national aggregate data in testing theoretical propositions about the effects of electoral laws. This book also considers not just what happens when political forces succeed in solving the coordination problems inherent in the electoral system they face but also what happens when they fail.},
  isbn = {978-0-521-58527-9},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {362},
  keywords = {Political Science / Comparative Politics,Political Science / General,Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections,Political Science / Public Policy / Economic Policy}
}

@incollection{cuddyWarmthCompetenceUniversal2008,
  title = {Warmth and {{Competence}} as {{Universal Dimensions}} of {{Social Perception}}: {{The Stereotype Content Model}} and the {{BIAS Map}}},
  shorttitle = {Warmth and {{Competence}} as {{Universal Dimensions}} of {{Social Perception}}},
  booktitle = {Advances in {{Experimental Social Psychology}}},
  author = {Cuddy, Amy J. C. and Fiske, Susan T. and Glick, Peter},
  date = {2008-01-01},
  volume = {40},
  pages = {61--149},
  publisher = {Academic Press},
  doi = {10.1016/S0065-2601(07)00002-0},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0065260107000020},
  urldate = {2025-09-16},
  abstract = {The stereotype content model (SCM) defines two fundamental dimensions of social perception, warmth and competence, predicted respectively by perceived competition and status. Combinations of warmth and competence generate distinct emotions of admiration, contempt, envy, and pity. From these intergroup emotions and stereotypes, the behavior from intergroup affect and stereotypes (BIAS) map predicts distinct behaviors: active and passive, facilitative and harmful. After defining warmth/communion and competence/agency, the chapter integrates converging work documenting the centrality of these dimensions in interpersonal as well as intergroup perception. Structural origins of warmth and competence perceptions result from competitors judged as not warm, and allies judged as warm; high status confers competence and low status incompetence. Warmth and competence judgments support systematic patterns of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral reactions, including ambivalent prejudices. Past views of prejudice as a univalent antipathy have obscured the unique responses toward groups stereotyped as competent but not warm or warm but not competent. Finally, the chapter addresses unresolved issues and future research directions.},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\6GZWMQHS\\Cuddy et al. - 2008 - Warmth and Competence as Universal Dimensions of Social Perception The Stereotype Content Model and.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\C9B3AEHX\\S0065260107000020.html}
}

@article{dalboWhoBecomesPolitician2017,
  title = {Who {{Becomes A Politician}}?*},
  shorttitle = {Who {{Becomes A Politician}}?},
  author = {Dal Bó, Ernesto and Finan, Frederico and Folke, Olle and Persson, Torsten and Rickne, Johanna},
  date = {2017-11-01},
  journaltitle = {The Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  shortjournal = {The Quarterly Journal of Economics},
  volume = {132},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1877--1914},
  issn = {0033-5533},
  doi = {10.1093/qje/qjx016},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjx016},
  urldate = {2025-06-12},
  abstract = {Can a democracy attract competent leaders, while attaining broad representation? Economic models suggest that free-riding incentives and lower opportunity costs give the less competent a comparative advantage at entering political life. Moreover, if elites have more human capital, selecting on competence may lead to uneven representation. This article examines patterns of political selection among the universe of municipal politicians and national legislators in Sweden, using extraordinarily rich data on competence traits and social background for the entire population. We document four new facts that together characterize an “inclusive meritocracy.” First, politicians are on average significantly smarter and better leaders than the population they represent. Second, this positive selection is present even when conditioning on family (and hence social) background, suggesting that individual competence is key for selection. Third, the representation of social background, whether measured by parental earnings or occupational social class, is remarkably even. Fourth, there is at best a weak trade-off in selection between competence and social representation, mainly due to strong positive selection of politicians of low (parental) socioeconomic status. A broad implication of these facts is that it is possible for democracy to generate competent and socially representative leadership.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8AHM27U8\Dal Bó et al. - 2017 - Who Becomes A Politician.pdf}
}

@article{daltonCognitiveMobilizationPartisan1984,
  title = {Cognitive {{Mobilization}} and {{Partisan Dealignment}} in {{Advanced Industrial Democracies}}},
  author = {Dalton, Russell J.},
  date = {1984},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {46},
  number = {1},
  eprint = {2130444},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {264--284},
  publisher = {[University of Chicago Press, Southern Political Science Association]},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.2307/2130444},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2130444},
  urldate = {2024-12-05},
  abstract = {Theories of mass politics have stressed the value of partisanship in providing citizens with cues for political decision making. The expanding political skills and resources of contemporary electorates are, however, increasing the abilities of the public and lessening the need for partisan cues. A process of cognitive mobilization in advanced industrial societies is creating a substantial number of apartisans, sophisticated individuals who lack party ties. Data from an eight-nation survey document the correlates of changing mobilization patterns, and link these findings to a new style of dealigned politics.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NIEXKNYY\Dalton - 1984 - Cognitive Mobilization and Partisan Dealignment in.pdf}
}

@incollection{daltonPage37p37The2002,
  title = {(Page 37)p. {{37The Consequences}} of {{Partisan Dealignment}}},
  booktitle = {Parties {{Without Partisans}}: {{Political Change}} in {{Advanced Industrial Democracies}}},
  author = {Dalton, Russell J. and McAllister, Ian and Wattenberg, Martin P.},
  editor = {Wattenberg, Martin P. and Dalton, Russell J.},
  date = {2002-03-14},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/0199253099.003.0003},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/0199253099.003.0003},
  urldate = {2024-11-20},
  abstract = {Assembles cross‐national data to demonstrate the behavioural consequences of partisan dealignment. Without the reinforcement of habitual party ties, more voters are waiting longer to decide for whom they will vote, and in the countries where ticket splitting is possible, more are dividing their party choices. Candidate‐centred politics appears to be on the rise, although this is much more pronounced in presidential than parliamentary systems, and signifying the different style of dealignment politics, participation in campaigns and volunteer work for political parties is decreasing. In short, partisan dealignment is transforming the relationship between some voters and political parties—a relationship that was once seen as an essential element in the process of representative government.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-925309-8},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\NU86VU89\\Dalton et al. - 2002 - (page 37)p. 37The Consequences of Partisan Dealign.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\VAFPM2FL\\347072789.html}
}

@article{daltonPartisanshipPartySystem2007,
  title = {Partisanship and {{Party System Institutionalization}}},
  author = {Dalton, Russell J. and Weldon, Steven},
  date = {2007-03-01},
  journaltitle = {Party Politics},
  volume = {13},
  number = {2},
  pages = {179--196},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {1354-0688},
  doi = {10.1177/1354068807073856},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068807073856},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Party identification, the psychological bond between citizens and a political party, is one of the central variables in understanding political behavior. This article argues that such party ties are also a measure of party system institutionalization from the standpoint of the public. We apply Converse’s model of partisan learning to 36 nations surveyed as part of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. We find that electoral experience and parental socialization are strong sources of partisanship, but the third-wave democracies also display evidence of latent socialization carried over from the old regime. The results suggest that party identities can develop in new democracies if the party system creates the conditions to develop these bonds.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\VDWLSYES\Dalton and Weldon - 2007 - Partisanship and Party System Institutionalization.pdf}
}

@article{daltonPartyRepresentationMultiple2017,
  title = {Party Representation across Multiple Issue Dimensions},
  author = {Dalton, Russell J},
  date = {2017-11-01},
  journaltitle = {Party Politics},
  volume = {23},
  number = {6},
  pages = {609--622},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {1354-0688},
  doi = {10.1177/1354068815614515},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068815614515},
  urldate = {2025-03-07},
  abstract = {Issue congruence between citizens and policy makers should be one of the central aspects of a democratic process. This study uses the 2009 European Election Study to compare the views of citizens and party elites on a diverse set of domestic policy issues and overall Left-Right identities. We find very high levels of congruence for Left-Right positions and socio-economic issues. Parties are less representative of their supporters on the newer cultural issues of immigration and authority, as well as gender issues. National political contexts have limited influence on congruence levels, although some party characteristics such as political extremism or party family are linked to citizen-voter agreement. On the whole, citizens and like-minded parties do connect through the electoral process to a high degree. However, the results also argue for a multidimensional approach to assessing representation to recognize where parties agree and deviate from their supporters.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\7J45GGUS\Dalton - 2017 - Party representation across multiple issue dimensions.pdf}
}

@article{daltonPoliticalPartiesPolitical1985,
  title = {Political {{Parties}} and {{Political Representation}}: {{Party Supporters}} and {{Party Elites}} in {{Nine Nations}}},
  shorttitle = {Political {{Parties}} and {{Political Representation}}},
  author = {DALTON, RUSSELL J.},
  date = {1985-10-01},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {18},
  number = {3},
  pages = {267--299},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414085018003001},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414085018003001},
  urldate = {2025-04-08},
  abstract = {Political representation in most Western democracies occurs through and by political parties. Based on parallel surveys of voters and party elites in nine West European nations, this article examines how well parties perform their representation role. The opinions of voters and party elites are compared for 40 party dyads. In some cases there is close correspondence between these opinions (e.g., economic and security issues), but in other instances the evidence of voter-party agreement is substantially weaker (e.g., foreign policy). An examination of party characteristics and contextual factors suggests that the clarity of party positions, represented by a centralized party structure and noncentrist ideology, strongly influences the efficiency of the party linkage process.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NIP9NZIY\DALTON - 1985 - Political Parties and Political Representation Party Supporters and Party Elites in Nine Nations.pdf}
}

@article{daltonRepresentationGapPolitical2021,
  title = {The {{Representation Gap}} and {{Political Sophistication}}: {{A Contrarian Perspective}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Representation Gap}} and {{Political Sophistication}}},
  author = {Dalton, Russell},
  date = {2021-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {54},
  number = {5},
  pages = {889--917},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414020957673},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414020957673},
  urldate = {2024-11-16},
  abstract = {Political behavior research persistently questions the ability of the average citizen to make voting choices that accurately represent their political views. We argue that voters’ choices should be judged by the outcome of the choices, and not the decision-making process. The representation gap measures the policy agreement between voters and their chosen party using data from the 2014 European Election Study and the Chapel Hill Experts Survey. We consider whether the political sophistication of individual voters affects agreement levels. Negative results are rarely reported widely—but they can be important. This study finds little evidence that political interest, education, information level or even party identification substantially affect the size of the representation gap. Less and more sophisticated citizens both find ways to make voting decisions that broadly match their opinions. The results yield a more positive view of the mass public, the electoral process, and democratic representation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\PMEEBR74\Dalton - 2021 - The Representation Gap and Political Sophisticatio.pdf}
}

@article{dar-nimrodGeneticEssentialismDeceptive2011,
  title = {Genetic Essentialism: On the Deceptive Determinism of {{DNA}}},
  shorttitle = {Genetic Essentialism},
  author = {Dar-Nimrod, Ilan and Heine, Steven J.},
  date = {2011-09},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Bulletin},
  shortjournal = {Psychol Bull},
  volume = {137},
  number = {5},
  eprint = {21142350},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {800--818},
  issn = {1939-1455},
  doi = {10.1037/a0021860},
  abstract = {This article introduces the notion of genetic essentialist biases: cognitive biases associated with essentialist thinking that are elicited when people encounter arguments that genes are relevant for a behavior, condition, or social group. Learning about genetic attributions for various human conditions leads to a particular set of thoughts regarding those conditions: they are more likely to be perceived as (a) immutable and determined, (b) having a specific etiology, (c) homogeneous and discrete, and (d) natural, which can lead to the naturalistic fallacy. There are rare cases of "strong genetic explanation" when such responses to genetic attributions may be appropriate; however, people tend to overweigh genetic attributions compared with competing attributions even in cases of "weak genetic explanation," which are far more common. The authors reviewed research on people's understanding of race, gender, sexual orientation, criminality, mental illness, and obesity through a genetic essentialism lens, highlighting attitudinal, cognitive, and behavioral changes that stem from consideration of genetic attributions as bases of these categories. Scientific and media portrayals of genetic discoveries are discussed with respect to genetic essentialism, as is the role that genetic essentialism has played (and continues to play) in various public policies, legislation, scientific endeavors, and ideological movements in recent history. Last, moderating factors and interventions to reduce the magnitude of genetic essentialism, which identify promising directions to explore in order to reduce these biases, are discussed.},
  langid = {english},
  pmcid = {PMC3394457},
  keywords = {Attitude to Health,Cognition,Criminals,Ethnicity,Eugenics,Female,Gender Identity,Genetic Determinism,Genetics,Health Knowledge Attitudes Practice,Humans,Male,Mental Disorders,Obesity,Phenotype,Prejudice,Racial Groups,Sexual Behavior,Social Class,Stereotyping},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\PLZ9HIUT\Dar-Nimrod and Heine - 2011 - Genetic essentialism on the deceptive determinism of DNA.pdf}
}

@article{dassonnevilleCompulsoryVotingRules2019,
  title = {Compulsory {{Voting Rules}}, {{Reluctant Voters}} and {{Ideological Proximity Voting}}},
  author = {Dassonneville, Ruth and Feitosa, Fernando and Hooghe, Marc and Lau, Richard R. and Stiers, Dieter},
  date = {2019-03},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {41},
  number = {1},
  pages = {209--230},
  issn = {0190-9320, 1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-018-9448-6},
  url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-018-9448-6},
  urldate = {2024-11-05},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\XV9N2JZ4\Dassonneville et al. - 2019 - Compulsory Voting Rules, Reluctant Voters and Ideo.pdf}
}

@article{dassonnevilleImpactCompulsoryVoting2017,
  title = {The Impact of Compulsory Voting on Inequality and the Quality of the Vote},
  author = {Dassonneville, Ruth and Hooghe, Marc and Miller, Peter},
  date = {2017-05-04},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  shortjournal = {West European Politics},
  volume = {40},
  number = {3},
  pages = {621--644},
  issn = {0140-2382, 1743-9655},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2016.1266187},
  url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2016.1266187},
  urldate = {2025-04-28},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\XHMNT6TA\Dassonneville et al. - 2017 - The impact of compulsory voting on inequality and the quality of the vote.pdf}
}

@article{dassonnevillePoliticalSophisticationVote2014,
  title = {Political {{Sophistication}} and {{Vote Intention Switching}}: {{The Timing}} of {{Electoral Volatility}} in the 2009 {{German Election Campaign}}},
  shorttitle = {Political {{Sophistication}} and {{Vote Intention Switching}}},
  author = {Dassonneville, Ruth},
  date = {2014-07-03},
  journaltitle = {German Politics},
  volume = {23},
  number = {3},
  pages = {174--195},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0964-4008},
  doi = {10.1080/09644008.2014.949682},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2014.949682},
  urldate = {2024-11-13},
  abstract = {This article investigates the link between political sophistication and electoral volatility. Showing that there is disagreement in the literature on whether switching party preferences is related to low or high levels of political sophistication, it is then argued that the effect of sophistication on vote switching might differ depending on when switching is measured. The effect of timing on volatility is investigated by means of the Short-term panel of the 2009 German Longitudinal Election Study. Results indicate that timing indeed matters, while sophistication increases the probability of switching parties before the campaign, the effect of political sophistication becomes more negative as Election Day draws near.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\B736LS34\Dassonneville - 2014 - Political Sophistication and Vote Intention Switch.pdf}
}

@article{dassonnevilleWomenVoteLess2020,
  title = {Do {{Women Vote Less Correctly}}? {{The Effect}} of {{Gender}} on {{Ideological Proximity Voting}} and {{Correct Voting}}},
  shorttitle = {Do {{Women Vote Less Correctly}}?},
  author = {Dassonneville, Ruth and Nugent, Mary K. and Hooghe, Marc and Lau, Richard},
  date = {2020-07},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {82},
  number = {3},
  pages = {1156--1160},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.1086/707525},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1086/707525},
  urldate = {2024-11-05},
  abstract = {Studies routinely find that women have lower levels of political knowledge than men. This gender gap is usually interpreted as troublesome for democracy, because a lack of political knowledge could imply that women’s participation in politics is less effective and that their interests will be represented less well than those of men. In this short article, we present a direct test of the assumption that women are less effective voters because of this lack of political knowledge. We make use of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data to study gender differences in proximity voting and correct voting. Our results do not suggest that women vote less correctly than men—a conclusion that prompts important questions about the role of different forms of political knowledge and the seemingly gendered nature of the vote choice.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\YZFBF2IM\Dassonneville et al. - 2020 - Do Women Vote Less Correctly The Effect of Gender.pdf}
}

@article{dawesGenesPsychologicalTraits2015,
  title = {Genes, Psychological Traits and Civic Engagement},
  author = {Dawes, Christopher T. and Settle, Jaime E. and Loewen, Peter John and McGue, Matt and Iacono, William G.},
  date = {2015-12-05},
  journaltitle = {Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences},
  volume = {370},
  number = {1683},
  issn = {0962-8436},
  doi = {10.1098/rstb.2015.0015},
  url = {http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?scp=84945248543&partnerID=8YFLogxK},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Civic engagement is a classic example of a collective action problem: while civic participation improves life in the community as a whole, it is individually costly and thus there is an incentive to free ride on the actions of others. Yet, we observe significant inter-individual variation in the degree to which people are in fact civically engaged. Early accounts reconciling the theoretical prediction with empirical reality focused either on variation in individuals’ material resources or their attitudes, but recent work has turned to genetic differences between individuals. We show an underlying genetic contribution to an index of civic engagement (0.41), as well as for the individual acts of engagement of volunteering for community or public service activities (0.33), regularly contributing to charitable causes (0.28) and voting in elections (0.27). There are closer genetic relationships between donating and the other two activities; volunteering and voting are not genetically correlated. Further, we show that most of the correlation between civic engagement and both positive emotionality and verbal IQ can be attributed to genes that affect both traits. These results enrich our understanding of the way in which genetic variation may influence the wide range of collective action problems that individuals face in modern community life.},
  keywords = {Behavioural genetics,Civic engagement,Personality},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\SEFJS7YH\Dawes et al. - 2015 - Genes, psychological traits and civic engagement.pdf}
}

@article{dawesGeneticBasisPolitical2020,
  title = {On the Genetic Basis of Political Orientation},
  author = {Dawes, Christopher T and Weinschenk, Aaron C},
  date = {2020-08},
  journaltitle = {Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences},
  volume = {34},
  pages = {173--178},
  issn = {23521546},
  doi = {10.1016/j.cobeha.2020.03.012},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S2352154620300553},
  urldate = {2024-03-05},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\YYAJINF8\Dawes and Weinschenk - 2020 - On the genetic basis of political orientation.pdf}
}

@article{dawesPartisanshipVotingDopamine2009,
  title = {Partisanship, {{Voting}}, and the {{Dopamine D2 Receptor Gene}}},
  author = {Dawes, Christopher T. and Fowler, James H.},
  date = {2009-07},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {71},
  number = {3},
  pages = {1157--1171},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.1017/S002238160909094X},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1017/S002238160909094X},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Previous studies have found that both political orientations (Alford, Funk, and Hibbing 2005) and voting behavior (Fowler, Baker, and Dawes 2008; Fowler and Dawes 2008) are significantly heritable. In this article we study genetic variation in another important political behavior: partisan attachment. Using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, we show that individuals with the A2 allele of the D2 dopamine receptor gene are significantly more likely to identify as a partisan than those with the A1 allele. Further, we find that this gene's association with partisanship also mediates an indirect association between the A2 allele and voter turnout. These results are the first to identify a specific gene that may be partly responsible for the tendency to join political groups, and they may help to explain correlation in parent and child partisanship and the persistence of partisan behavior over time.}
}

@article{dawesPolygenicScoreEducational2021,
  title = {A Polygenic Score for Educational Attainment Partially Predicts Voter Turnout},
  author = {Dawes, Christopher T. and Okbay, Aysu and Oskarsson, Sven and Rustichini, Aldo},
  date = {2021-12-14},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.},
  volume = {118},
  number = {50},
  pages = {e2022715118},
  issn = {0027-8424, 1091-6490},
  doi = {10.1073/pnas.2022715118},
  url = {https://pnas.org/doi/full/10.1073/pnas.2022715118},
  urldate = {2024-03-07},
  abstract = {Significance             The strong correlation between education and voting is among the most robust findings in social science. We show that genes associated with the propensity to acquire education are also associated with higher voter turnout. A within-family analysis suggests education-linked genes exert direct effects on voter turnout but also reveals evidence of genetic nurture in second-order elections. Our findings have important implications for the study of political inequality. Scholars have argued that parental education is the main driver of the reproduction of political inequality across generations. By separating the effect of genes from parental nurturing, our findings suggest that the roots of individual-level political inequality run deeper than family background.           ,              Twin and adoption studies have shown that individual differences in political participation can be explained, in part, by genetic variation. However, these research designs cannot identify which genes are related to voting or the pathways through which they exert influence, and their conclusions rely on possibly restrictive assumptions. In this study, we use three different US samples and a Swedish sample to test whether genes that have been identified as associated with educational attainment, one of the strongest correlates of political participation, predict self-reported and validated voter turnout. We find that a polygenic score capturing individuals’ genetic propensity to acquire education is significantly related to turnout. The strongest associations we observe are in second-order midterm elections in the United States and European Parliament elections in Sweden, which tend to be viewed as less important by voters, parties, and the media and thus present a more information-poor electoral environment for citizens to navigate. A within-family analysis suggests that individuals’ education-linked genes directly affect their voting behavior, but, for second-order elections, it also reveals evidence of genetic nurture. Finally, a mediation analysis suggests that educational attainment and cognitive ability combine to account for between 41\% and 63\% of the relationship between the genetic propensity to acquire education and voter turnout.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\4B9Q8MSR\Dawes et al. - 2021 - A polygenic score for educational attainment parti.pdf}
}

@article{dawesPolygenicScoreEducational2021a,
  title = {A Polygenic Score for Educational Attainment Partially Predicts Voter Turnout},
  author = {Dawes, Christopher T. and Okbay, Aysu and Oskarsson, Sven and Rustichini, Aldo},
  date = {2021-12-14},
  journaltitle = {PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA},
  shortjournal = {Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U. S. A.},
  volume = {118},
  number = {50},
  pages = {e2022715118},
  publisher = {Natl Acad Sciences},
  location = {Washington},
  issn = {0027-8424, 1091-6490},
  doi = {10.1073/pnas.2022715118},
  url = {https://www.webofscience.com/api/gateway?GWVersion=2&SrcAuth=DynamicDOIArticle&SrcApp=WOS&KeyAID=10.1073%2Fpnas.2022715118&DestApp=DOI&SrcAppSID=EUW1ED0E56W7yBnAZKRNmRvcvPJXC&SrcJTitle=PROCEEDINGS+OF+THE+NATIONAL+ACADEMY+OF+SCIENCES+OF+THE+UNITED+STATES+OF+AMERICA&DestDOIRegistrantName=Proceedings+of+the+National+Academy+of+Sciences},
  urldate = {2025-03-06},
  abstract = {Twin and adoption studies have shown that individual differences in political participation can be explained, in part, by genetic variation. However, these research designs cannot identify which genes are related to voting or the pathways through which they exert influence, and their conclusions rely on possibly restrictive assumptions. In this study, we use three different US samples and a Swedish sample to test whether genes that have been identified as associated with educational attainment, one of the strongest correlates of political participation, predict self-reported and validated voter turnout. We find that a polygenic score capturing individuals' genetic propensity to acquire education is significantly related to turnout. The strongest associations we observe are in second-ordermidterm elections in the United States and European Parliament elections in Sweden, which tend to be viewed as less important by voters, parties, and the media and thus present a more information-poor electoral environment for citizens to navigate. A within-family analysis suggests that individuals' education-linked genes directly affect their voting behavior, but, for second-order elections, it also reveals evidence of genetic nurture. Finally, a mediation analysis suggests that educational attainment and cognitive ability combine to account for between 41\% and 63\% of the relationship between the genetic propensity to acquire education and voter turnout.},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {7},
  keywords = {2ND-ORDER,cognitive ability,education,NATIONAL ELECTIONS,PARTICIPATION,PERSONALITY,POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT,polygenic score,TRAITS,turnout,voting},
  annotation = {Web of Science ID: WOS:000732715700003},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\A6ZRL464\Dawes et al. - 2021 - A polygenic score for educational attainment partially predicts voter turnout.pdf}
}

@article{dawesRelationshipGenesPsychological2014,
  title = {The {{Relationship}} between {{Genes}}, {{Psychological Traits}}, and {{Political Participation}}},
  author = {Dawes, Christopher and Cesarini, David and Fowler, James H. and Johannesson, Magnus and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Oskarsson, Sven},
  date = {2014-10},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  shortjournal = {American J Political Sci},
  volume = {58},
  number = {4},
  pages = {888--903},
  issn = {0092-5853, 1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12100},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ajps.12100},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {Recent research demonstrates that a wide range of political attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors can be explained in part by genetic variation. However, these studies have not yet identified the mechanisms that generate such a relationship. Some scholars have speculated that psychological traits mediate the relationship between genes and political participation, but so far there have been no empirical tests. Here we focus on the role of three psychological traits that are believed to influence political participation: cognitive ability, personal control, and extraversion. Utilizing a unique sample of more than 2,000 Swedish twin pairs, we show that a common genetic factor can explain most of the relationship between these psychological traits and acts of political participation, as well as predispositions related to participation. While our analysis is not a definitive test, our results suggest an upper bound for a proposed mediation relationship between genes, psychological traits, and political participation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6AZYUMUP\Dawes et al. - 2014 - The Relationship between Genes, Psychological Trai.pdf}
}

@article{dawesRelationshipGenesPsychological2014a,
  title = {The {{Relationship}} between {{Genes}}, {{Psychological Traits}}, and {{Political Participation}}},
  author = {Dawes, Christopher and Cesarini, David and Fowler, James H. and Johannesson, Magnus and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Oskarsson, Sven},
  date = {2014},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {58},
  number = {4},
  eprint = {24363532},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {888--903},
  publisher = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/24363532},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Recent research demonstrates that a wide range of political attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors can be explained in part by genetic variation. However, these studies have not yet identified the mechanisms that generate such a relationship. Some scholars have speculated that psychological traits mediate the relationship between genes and political participation, but so far there have been no empirical tests. Here we focus on the role of three psychological traits that are believed to influence political participation: cognitive ability, personal control, and extraversion. Utilizing a unique sample of more than 2,000 Swedish twin pairs, we show that a common genetic factor can explain most of the relationship between these psychological traits and acts of political participation, as well as predispositions related to participation. While our analysis is not a definitive test, our results suggest an upper bound for a proposed mediation relationship between genes, psychological traits, and political participation.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BD3EKPMD\Dawes et al. - 2014 - The Relationship between Genes, Psychological Trai.pdf}
}

@incollection{defruytFiveFactorModel2017,
  title = {The {{Five Factor Model}} of {{Personality}} and {{Consequential Outcomes}} in {{Childhood}} and {{Adolescence}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {De Fruyt, Filip and De Clercq, Barbara and De Bolle, Marleen},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.6},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.6},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {The validity of the Five Factor Model (FFM) to describe personality differences in childhood and adolescence is well established. Personality differences can be reliably assessed in children and adolescents, and available research converges on the validity of the FFM as the predominant model to provide a comprehensive and manageable account of these notable differences. In addition, there is strong agreement that personality traits in childhood/adolescence are related to a broad range of short- and long-term consequential outcomes, underscoring their utility in research and assessment. The aims of the present chapter are threefold: first, to review FFM measures developed for children and adolescents; second, to discuss parallels and dissimilarities obtained with adults; and finally to summarize the significance and validity of the model in gaining an understanding of a broad series of outcomes, including interpersonal relationships, psychopathology, health and well-being, learning and learning outcomes, and long-term outcomes manifested in adulthood.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\KHU45TIQ\\De Fruyt et al. - 2017 - The Five Factor Model of Personality and Consequen.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\3DLAKK7U\\211689934.html}
}

@article{denkSizePoliticalSupport2012,
  title = {Size and {{Political Support}} on the {{Local Level}} in {{Sweden}}},
  author = {Denk, Thomas},
  date = {2012-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Local Government Studies},
  volume = {38},
  number = {6},
  pages = {777--793},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0300-3930},
  doi = {10.1080/03003930.2012.666387},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2012.666387},
  urldate = {2025-01-29},
  abstract = {Does size of municipality have an impact on political support? This study investigates the connection between municipality size and political support in 55 Swedish municipalities. Three hypotheses about the connection between municipality size and political support are developed from previous research. These hypotheses claim negative, positive, and no connection between municipality size and political support. In the empirical analysis, two aspects of size (area and population) and eleven aspects of political support (five aspects of political trust, participation in parliamentary and municipal elections, political interests, party identification, and activity in associations) are included. The analysis also includes six aspects of municipality composition (age, education, ethnicity, income, labour market activity and urbanisation). When the three hypotheses are empirically tested, the analysis indicates that several aspects of political support have negative correlations with area size, while only one of the aspects has a negative correlation with population size. However, a major part of the investigated aspects has no connection with municipality size and the connections that are indicated by the analysis are only moderate in their strength.},
  keywords = {Local democracy,municipality,political support,scale,size},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JJRBR26Q\Denk - 2012 - Size and Political Support on the Local Level in Sweden.pdf}
}

@incollection{depauwChildhoodPersonalityTemperament2017,
  title = {Childhood {{Personality}} and {{Temperament}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {De Pauw, Sarah},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.21},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.21},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {This chapter discusses the blossoming research on childhood personality, addressing salient questions on its measurement, its foundational structure, and its convergence with child temperament. First, the discovery and contemporary measurement of FFM-antecedents in young age is reviewed, highlighting promises as well as pitfalls of the various approaches available today. Second, divergences between child and adult taxonomies are delineated, as accumulating research suggests that the structure of child personality is not identical to the established FFM-structure in adults. Finally, the issue of temperament-personality convergence is considered. Whereas influential narrative reviews proposed that temperament and personality appear to be “more alike than different,” empirical research suggests that a simple hierarchical mapping fails to capture the complexity of these relationships. We invite students of behavioral individuality in childhood and adolescence to take into account the salient differences between the various personality approaches, child and adult personality taxonomies, and child temperament and personality “vocabularies.”},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\JA647P8I\\De Pauw - 2017 - Childhood Personality and Temperament.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\JZRTALT2\\211685318.html}
}

@incollection{deraadLexicalFoundationBig2017,
  title = {The {{Lexical Foundation}} of the {{Big Five Factor Model}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {family=Raad, given=Boele, prefix=de, useprefix=true and Mlačić, Boris},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.12},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.12},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {A dictionary is the tangible repository of the common stock of words, although dictionaries comprise at best 10\% of the full lexicon. Part of the lexicon is made up of the words used to describe what people do and what people are like. The psycholexical approach to personality focuses on this subset of words and on its exploitation, or what can be said to be the glossary of personality. This chapter is concerned with the history of the psycholexical approach to personality description, from ancient history to the more recent efforts, albeit focusing in particular on its modern history. Psycholexical taxonomies from around the world will be considered, as well as taxonomies based on nouns, verbs, adverbs, and their combinations. Ongoing controversies, difficulties, and disputes regarding alternative psycholexical personality structures will be considered, as well as recommendations for future research.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\SQY4UA34\\de Raad and Mlačić - 2017 - The Lexical Foundation of the Big Five Factor Mode.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\A54MEBD8\\211684240.html}
}

@article{diasNatureAffectivePolarization2022,
  title = {The {{Nature}} of {{Affective Polarization}}: {{Disentangling Policy Disagreement}} from {{Partisan Identity}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Nature}} of {{Affective Polarization}}},
  author = {Dias, Nicholas and Lelkes, Yphtach},
  date = {2022},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {66},
  number = {3},
  pages = {775--790},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12628},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ajps.12628},
  urldate = {2025-11-12},
  abstract = {Democrats and Republicans clearly dislike one another. Yet, scholars debate whether policy disagreement or partisan identity, per se, drives interparty animus. Past studies suggest the relationship between partisanship and interpersonal affect is spurious, driven by inferred policy preferences. We argue, instead, that policy preferences signal partisan identity when the parties' stances on an issue are well-known. Using a nationally representative survey and four preregistered experiments, we disentangle the effects of policy disagreement and partisan identity on interpersonal affect. Our findings suggest that partisan identity is the principal mechanism of affective polarization, and that policy preferences factor into affective polarization largely by signaling partisan identity. However, our results also affirm that policy disagreement in itself drives interpersonal affect. This provides evidence that partisanship reflects an emotional attachment to a political party, not merely a running tally of rational considerations.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\73JZYFR7\\Dias and Lelkes - 2022 - The Nature of Affective Polarization Disentangling Policy Disagreement from Partisan Identity.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\XCZGMLZV\\ajps.html}
}

@incollection{DoesEssentialismLead2020,
  title = {Does Essentialism Lead to Racial Prejudice? {{It}} Is Not so {{Black}} and {{White}}},
  shorttitle = {Does Essentialism Lead to Racial Prejudice?},
  booktitle = {Advances in {{Child Development}} and {{Behavior}}},
  date = {2020-01-01},
  volume = {59},
  pages = {195--245},
  publisher = {JAI},
  issn = {0065-2407},
  doi = {10.1016/bs.acdb.2020.05.007},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0065240720300355},
  urldate = {2025-06-18},
  abstract = {Over half a century ago, psychologists hypothesized that social essentialism, an intuitive theory comprising the beliefs that social categories reflec…},
  langid = {american}
}

@article{dolnyVoterRepresentativeCongruence2015,
  title = {Voter–{{Representative Congruence}} in {{Europe}}: {{A Loss}} of {{Institutional Influence}}?},
  shorttitle = {Voter–{{Representative Congruence}} in {{Europe}}},
  author = {Dolný, Branislav and Baboš, Pavol},
  date = {2015-11-02},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {38},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1274--1304},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2015.1053180},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2015.1053180},
  urldate = {2024-11-19},
  abstract = {What is the level of voter–elite congruence in Europe and how is it affected by institutions? This article presents a different conceptualisation and new data to comparative research on congruence between voters and their representatives in 15 European countries. The originality of this work is mainly in its use of the most appropriate cross-national data for the conceptualisation of congruence as a ‘many-to-many’ relationship, using for the first time a survey of representatives to replace expert and public opinion on legislators’ attitudes. The study’s results show that congruence in European countries is relatively high in terms of left–right positions and, surprisingly, even higher regarding the question of EU integration. However, while we find enough evidence to link ideological congruence to mostly electoral institutions, it seems the same factors have no relation to the European unification dimension of congruence. This indicates the different nature of congruence in both the ideological and EU integration dimensions. Additionally, the present study found congruence to be higher for the group of voters rather than non-voters, and also higher for voters interested in politics as well as voters with a university degree.},
  keywords = {congruence,electoral institutions,European integration,left–right,parliaments,representation},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\SUL6KJSI\Dolný and Baboš - 2015 - Voter–Representative Congruence in Europe A Loss .pdf}
}

@article{domingueInteractionsPolygenicScores2020,
  title = {Interactions between {{Polygenic Scores}} and {{Environments}}: {{Methodological}} and {{Conceptual Challenges}}},
  shorttitle = {Interactions between {{Polygenic Scores}} and {{Environments}}},
  author = {Domingue, Benjamin and Trejo, Sam and Armstrong-Carter, Emma and Tucker-Drob, Elliot},
  date = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Science},
  shortjournal = {SocScience},
  volume = {7},
  pages = {365--386},
  issn = {23306696},
  doi = {10.15195/v7.a19},
  url = {https://sociologicalscience.com/articles-v7-19-465/},
  urldate = {2024-03-14},
  abstract = {Interest in the study of gene–environment interaction has recently grown due to the sudden availability of molecular genetic data—in particular, polygenic scores—in many long-running longitudinal studies. Identifying and estimating statistical interactions comes with several analytic and inferential challenges; these challenges are heightened when used to integrate observational genomic and social science data. We articulate some of these key challenges, provide new perspectives on the study of gene–environment interactions, and end by offering some practical guidance for conducting research in this area. Given the sudden availability of well-powered polygenic scores, we anticipate a substantial increase in research testing for interaction between such scores and environments. The issues we discuss, if not properly addressed, may impact the enduring scientific value of gene–environment interaction studies.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2MVLTKDR\Domingue et al. - 2020 - Interactions between Polygenic Scores and Environm.pdf}
}

@article{donovanBasicHumaneGenomics2020,
  title = {From {{Basic}} to {{Humane Genomics Literacy}}},
  author = {Donovan, Brian M. and Weindling, Monica and Lee, Dennis M.},
  date = {2020-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Science \& Education},
  shortjournal = {Sci \& Educ},
  volume = {29},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1479--1511},
  publisher = {Springer Netherlands},
  issn = {1573-1901},
  doi = {10.1007/s11191-020-00171-1},
  url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11191-020-00171-1},
  urldate = {2025-06-18},
  abstract = {Genetic essentialism of race is the belief that racial groups have different underlying genetic essences which cause them to differ physically, cognitively, or behaviorally. Apparently, no published studies have explored if belief in genetic essentialism of race among adolescents differs after many weeks of formal instruction about different domains of genetics knowledge. Nor have any studies explored if such differences reflect a coherent change in students’ racial beliefs. We use a quasi-experimental design (N\,=\,254 students in 7th–12th grade) to explore these gaps. Over the course of 3 months, we compared students who learned from a curriculum on multifactorial inheritance and genetic ancestry to students who learned from their business as usual (BAU) genetics curriculum that discussed Mendelian and molecular genetics without any reference to race, multifactorial genetics, or genetic ancestry. Relative to the BAU condition, classrooms that learned from the multifactorial genetics and ancestry curriculum grew significantly more in their knowledge of multifactorial genetics and decreased significantly more in their genetic essentialist perceptions, attributions, and beliefs. From a conceptual change perspective, these findings suggest that classrooms using a curriculum emphasizing genetic complexity are more likely to shift toward a coherent anti-essentialist understanding of racial difference.},
  issue = {6},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\9KSYE9X3\Donovan et al. - 2020 - From Basic to Humane Genomics Literacy.pdf}
}

@article{donovanEndingGeneticEssentialism2022,
  title = {Ending Genetic Essentialism through Genetics Education},
  author = {Donovan, Brian M.},
  date = {2022-01-13},
  journaltitle = {Human Genetics and Genomics Advances},
  shortjournal = {HGGADVANCE},
  volume = {3},
  number = {1},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  issn = {2666-2477},
  doi = {10.1016/j.xhgg.2021.100058},
  url = {https://www.cell.com/hgg-advances/abstract/S2666-2477(21)00039-7},
  urldate = {2025-06-11},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8WNJWYU9\Donovan - 2022 - Ending genetic essentialism through genetics education.pdf}
}

@article{donovanGenomicsLiteracyMatters2021,
  title = {Genomics Literacy Matters: {{Supporting}} the Development of Genomics Literacy through Genetics Education Could Reduce the Prevalence of Genetic Essentialism},
  shorttitle = {Genomics Literacy Matters},
  author = {Donovan, Brian M. and Weindling, Monica and Salazar, Brae and Duncan, Alex and Stuhlsatz, Molly and Keck, Phillip},
  date = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Research in Science Teaching},
  volume = {58},
  number = {4},
  pages = {520--550},
  issn = {1098-2736},
  doi = {10.1002/tea.21670},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/tea.21670},
  urldate = {2025-06-17},
  abstract = {Recently, it has been argued that improving students' genomics literacy could prevent students from developing erroneous beliefs about social identity, such as the belief that racial groups differ cognitively and behaviorally because of their genes; a belief called genetic essentialism. To date, however, little research has explored if or how a conceptual understanding of genomics protects against the development of genetic essentialism. Using a randomized control trial (RCT) (N = 721, 9th–12th graders), we explore if students with more genomics literacy are more able to conceptually change their genetic essentialist beliefs after engaging in a learning experience designed to refute essentialist thinking. The results of the RCT demonstrated that students with higher genomics literacy (relative to those with lower genomics literacy) exhibited greater reductions in the perception of racial differences and greater reductions in belief in genetic essentialism after learning how patterns of human genetic variation refute genetic essentialism. These results suggest that genetics education can protect students from developing a belief in genetic essentialism when it provides them with opportunities to learn multifactorial genetics and population thinking in conjunction with how these concepts refute essentialist thinking.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {genetic essentialism of race,genetic variation,genetics education,multifactorial genetics,population thinking},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\E5UDVSYA\Donovan et al. - 2021 - Genomics literacy matters Supporting the development of genomics literacy through genetics educatio.pdf}
}

@article{donovanLearnedInequalityRacial2017,
  title = {Learned Inequality: {{Racial}} Labels in the Biology Curriculum Can Affect the Development of Racial Prejudice},
  shorttitle = {Learned Inequality},
  author = {Donovan, Brian M.},
  date = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Research in Science Teaching},
  volume = {54},
  number = {3},
  pages = {379--411},
  issn = {1098-2736},
  doi = {10.1002/tea.21370},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/tea.21370},
  urldate = {2025-09-11},
  abstract = {For over a century, genetic arguments for the existence of racial inequality have been used to oppose policies that promote social equality. And, over that same time period, American biology textbooks have repeatedly discussed genetic differences between races. This experiment tests whether racial terminology in the biology curriculum causes adolescents to develop genetic beliefs about racial difference, thereby affecting prejudice. Individual students (N = 135, grades 7–9) were randomly assigned within their classrooms to learn either from: (i) four text-based lessons discussing racial differences in skeletal structure and the prevalence of genetic disease (racial condition); or (ii) an identical curriculum lacking racial terminology (nonracial condition). Over 3-months that coincided with this learning, students in the racial condition grew significantly more in their perception of the amount of genetic variation between races relative to students in the nonracial condition. Furthermore, those in the racial condition grew in their belief that races differ in intelligence for genetic reasons significantly more than those in the nonracial condition. And, compared to the nonracial condition, students in the racial condition became significantly less interested in socializing across racial lines and less supportive of policies that reduce racial inequality in education. These findings show how biology education sustains racial inequality, and conversely, how human genetic variation education could be designed to reduce genetically based racism. © 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. J Res Sci Teach 54: 379–411, 2017},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {biology education,human genetic variation,prejudice,psychological essentialism,race},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RJUISVD7\Donovan - 2017 - Learned inequality Racial labels in the biology curriculum can affect the development of racial pre.pdf}
}

@article{donovanMoreHumaneGenetics2019,
  title = {Toward a More Humane Genetics Education: {{Learning}} about the Social and Quantitative Complexities of Human Genetic Variation Research Could Reduce Racial Bias in Adolescent and Adult Populations},
  shorttitle = {Toward a More Humane Genetics Education},
  author = {Donovan, Brian M. and Semmens, Rob and Keck, Phillip and Brimhall, Elizabeth and Busch, K. C. and Weindling, Monica and Duncan, Alex and Stuhlsatz, Molly and Bracey, Zoë Buck and Bloom, Mark and Kowalski, Susan and Salazar, Brae},
  date = {2019},
  journaltitle = {Science Education},
  volume = {103},
  number = {3},
  pages = {529--560},
  issn = {1098-237X},
  doi = {10.1002/sce.21506},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/sce.21506},
  urldate = {2025-06-11},
  abstract = {When people are exposed to information that leads them to overestimate the actual amount of genetic difference between racial groups, it can augment their racial biases. However, there is apparently no research that explores if the reverse is possible. Does teaching adolescents scientifically accurate information about genetic variation within and between US census races reduce their racial biases? We randomized 8th and 9th grade students (n = 166) into separate classrooms to learn for an entire week either about the topics of (a) human genetic variation or (b) climate variation. In a cross-over randomized trial with clustering, we demonstrate that when students learn about genetic variation within and between racial groups it significantly changes their perceptions of human genetic variation, thereby causing a significant decrease in their scores on instruments assessing cognitive forms of prejudice. We then replicate these findings in two computer-based randomized controlled trials, one with adults (n = 176) and another with biology students (n = 721, 9th–12th graders). These results indicate that teaching about human variation in the domain of genetics has potentially powerful effects on social cognition during adolescence. In turn, we argue that learning about the social and quantitative complexities of human genetic variation research could prepare students to become informed participants in a society where human genetics is invoked as a rationale in sociopolitical debates.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {analogical transfer,genetic essentialism,genetics education,racial prejudice,social cognition},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\TUIVM4DB\\Donovan et al. - 2019 - Toward a more humane genetics education Learning about the social and quantitative complexities of.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\4L3BZH7J\\sce.html}
}

@article{downsEconomicTheoryPolitical1957,
  title = {An {{Economic Theory}} of {{Political Action}} in a {{Democracy}}},
  author = {Downs, Anthony},
  date = {1957-04},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Political Economy},
  volume = {65},
  number = {2},
  pages = {135--150},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
  issn = {0022-3808},
  doi = {10.1086/257897},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/257897},
  urldate = {2024-04-17},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\Y8KIWH8T\Downs - 1957 - An Economic Theory of Political Action in a Democr.pdf}
}

@article{dumitrescuAnxietyVoteDecision2014,
  title = {Anxiety and {{Vote Decision Making}} in {{Winner-Take-All Elections}}},
  author = {Dumitrescu, Delia and Blais, André},
  date = {2014-09},
  journaltitle = {Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique},
  volume = {47},
  number = {3},
  pages = {451--474},
  issn = {0008-4239, 1744-9324},
  doi = {10.1017/S0008423914000742},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/canadian-journal-of-political-science-revue-canadienne-de-science-politique/article/anxiety-and-vote-decision-making-in-winnertakeall-elections/BF22BE587FA60677EA6D6D7ADABE8F0B},
  urldate = {2024-09-26},
  abstract = {We study strategic voting behaviour in winner-take-all elections by means of an original study in which participants vote to collectively decide how much money should be given to an environmental NGO. We find that supporters of the most NGO-friendly party are reluctant to abandon it, despite its poor electoral viability. The poor electoral viability generates significant anxiety among its supporters and the level of anxiety at the time of voting influences their choice. Moderate levels of anxiety increase the probability of defection, but at high levels, anxiety has a paralyzing effect, making voters less likely to abandon their preferred choice., Nous étudions le vote stratégique dans les élections au scrutin pluralitaire par le biais d'une recherche originale dans le cadre de laquelle les participants votent pour décider combien d'argent sera octroyé à une organisation environnementale. Nous observons que les supporters du parti le plus favorable à l'organisation environnementale hésitent à déserter ce parti, même si ses chances de gagner sont très faibles. La faiblesse électorale du parti génère de l'anxiété chez ses supporters, et cette anxiété à son tour influence leurs choix. Un niveau modéré d'anxiété augmente la propension à déserter le parti, mais un niveau élevé d'anxiété a un effet paralysant, incitant les électeurs à demeurer fidèles à leur parti préféré.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2V7G5ZG7\Dumitrescu and Blais - 2014 - Anxiety and Vote Decision Making in Winner-Take-Al.pdf}
}

@article{dussoIncorrectVoting20122015,
  title = {Incorrect Voting in the 2012 {{U}}.{{S}}. Presidential Election: {{How}} Partisan and Economic Cues Fail to Help Low-Information Voters},
  shorttitle = {Incorrect Voting in the 2012 {{U}}.{{S}}. Presidential Election},
  author = {Dusso, Aaron},
  date = {2015-03},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {37},
  pages = {50--62},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2014.11.004},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S026137941400122X},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  abstract = {The importance of voting in undisputed, yet scholarly works attempting to understand the causes and consequences of incorrect voting are relatively scarce. Building on the works of Lau and Redlawsk (1997, 2006; Lau et al., 2008), I design and implement a new survey method measuring incorrect voting I call Self-identified Incorrect Voting (SIV). This method allows survey respondents to determine for themselves if they voted incorrectly in the 2012 U.S. presidential election. I conducted the SIV survey of a national sample of voters and use the results to test traditional hypotheses regarding the value of partisanship and the economy as cues to help low-information voters behave in the same manner as high-information voters.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\4YGTUDAG\Dusso - 2015 - Incorrect voting in the 2012 U.S. presidential ele.pdf}
}

@article{dykemaReconsiderationUseAgreedisagree2022,
  title = {Towards a Reconsideration of the Use of Agree-Disagree Questions in Measuring Subjective Evaluations},
  author = {Dykema, Jennifer and Schaeffer, Nora Cate and Garbarski, Dana and Assad, Nadia and Blixt, Steven},
  date = {2022-02-01},
  journaltitle = {Research in Social and Administrative Pharmacy},
  shortjournal = {Research in Social and Administrative Pharmacy},
  volume = {18},
  number = {2},
  pages = {2335--2344},
  issn = {1551-7411},
  doi = {10.1016/j.sapharm.2021.06.014},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1551741121002321},
  urldate = {2025-03-11},
  abstract = {Agree-disagree (AD) or Likert questions (e.g., “I am extremely satisfied: strongly agree … strongly disagree”) are among the most frequently used response formats to measure attitudes and opinions in the social and medical sciences. This review and research synthesis focuses on the measurement properties and potential limitations of AD questions. The research leads us to advocate for an alternative questioning strategy in which items are written to directly ask about their underlying response dimensions using response categories tailored to match the response dimension, which we refer to as item-specific (IS) (e.g., “How satisfied are you: not at all … extremely”). In this review we: 1) synthesize past research comparing data quality for AD and IS questions; 2) present conceptual models of and review research supporting respondents' cognitive processing of AD and IS questions; and 3) provide an overview of question characteristics that frequently differ between AD and IS questions and may affect respondents’ cognitive processing and data quality. Although experimental studies directly comparing AD and IS questions yield some mixed results, more studies find IS questions are associated with desirable data quality outcomes (e.g., validity and reliability) and AD questions are associated with undesirable outcomes (e.g., acquiescence, response effects, etc.). Based on available research, models of cognitive processing, and a review of question characteristics, we recommended IS questions over AD questions for most purposes. For researchers considering the use of previously administered AD questions and instruments, issues surrounding the challenges of translating questions from AD to IS response formats are discussed.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\CM8TNI8P\Dykema et al. - 2022 - Towards a reconsideration of the use of agree-disagree questions in measuring subjective evaluations.pdf}
}

@article{eatonEmergingPerspectivesStructure,
  title = {Emerging Perspectives on the Structure and Function of Attitude Strength},
  author = {Eaton, Asia A. and , Elizabeth A., Majka and family=Visser, given=Penny S., prefix=and, useprefix=true},
  journaltitle = {European Review of Social Psychology},
  volume = {19},
  number = {1},
  pages = {165--201},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1046-3283},
  doi = {10.1080/10463280802383791},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10463280802383791},
  urldate = {2025-06-16},
  abstract = {For more than 20 years, scholars have used the term “attitude strength” to refer to the durability and impactfulness of attitudes, and a large literature attests to the important leverage that this concept offers for understanding and predicting behaviour. Despite its prominence, however, a number of fundamental questions remain regarding the structure and function of attitude strength. In this chapter we draw on a wide range of evidence to clarify the nature of attitude strength. Rather than conceiving of attitude strength as a meaningful psychological construct, we argue that it is better conceptualised as an umbrella term that refers in only the most general way to multiple, separable classes of attitude outcomes, instigated by different antecedents and produced by distinct psychological processes. Although strong attitudes share a set of general qualities—resistance to change, persistence over time, impact on thought and behaviour—there are many distinct routes by which attitudes come to possess these qualities, and many diverse ways in which these qualities manifest themselves. Our analysis shifts the focus away from the structural properties of attitude strength and towards a fuller appreciation of the distinct sources from which attitudes derive their strength. We argue in particular for the value of attending more closely to the social bases of attitude strength, and we illustrate the value of this approach by reviewing several lines of research.},
  keywords = {Attitude strength,Attitudes,Persuasion,Social networks,Social power},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\7L6DZGEQ\Eaton et al. - Emerging perspectives on the structure and function of attitude strength.pdf}
}

@article{eckerDistributionIndividualCabinet2015,
  title = {The Distribution of Individual Cabinet Positions in Coalition Governments: {{A}} Sequential Approach},
  shorttitle = {The Distribution of Individual Cabinet Positions in Coalition Governments},
  author = {Ecker, Alejandro and Meyer, Thomas M. and Müller, Wolfgang C.},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {54},
  number = {4},
  pages = {802--818},
  issn = {1475-6765},
  doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12108},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1475-6765.12108},
  urldate = {2024-11-26},
  abstract = {Multiparty government in parliamentary democracies entails bargaining over the payoffs of government participation, in particular the allocation of cabinet positions. While most of the literature deals with the numerical distribution of cabinet seats among government parties, this article explores the distribution of individual portfolios. It argues that coalition negotiations are sequential choice processes that begin with the allocation of those portfolios most important to the bargaining parties. This induces conditionality in the bargaining process as choices of individual cabinet positions are not independent of each other. Linking this sequential logic with party preferences for individual cabinet positions, the authors of the article study the allocation of individual portfolios for 146 coalition governments in Western and Central Eastern Europe. The results suggest that a sequential logic in the bargaining process results in better predictions than assuming mutual independence in the distribution of individual portfolios.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {coalition governments,portfolio allocation,Western and Central Eastern Europe},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3PVSAQ47\Ecker et al. - 2015 - The distribution of individual cabinet positions i.pdf}
}

@article{egerEvenSwedenEffect2010,
  title = {Even in {{Sweden}}: {{The Effect}} of {{Immigration}} on {{Support}} for {{Welfare State Spending}}},
  shorttitle = {Even in {{Sweden}}},
  author = {Eger, M. A.},
  date = {2010-04-01},
  journaltitle = {European Sociological Review},
  shortjournal = {European Sociological Review},
  volume = {26},
  number = {2},
  pages = {203--217},
  issn = {0266-7215, 1468-2672},
  doi = {10.1093/esr/jcp017},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/esr/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/esr/jcp017},
  urldate = {2025-11-21},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RDGLFA6X\Eger - 2010 - Even in Sweden The Effect of Immigration on Support for Welfare State Spending.pdf}
}

@article{eggersWhoVotesMore2020,
  title = {Who {{Votes More Strategically}}?},
  author = {Eggers, Andrew C. and Vivyan, Nick},
  date = {2020-05},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {114},
  number = {2},
  pages = {470--485},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055419000820},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/who-votes-more-strategically/0CF7B90AE7CBBAB337C4255BF2C7E1E5},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  abstract = {Strategic voting is an important explanation for aggregate political phenomena, but we know little about how strategic voting varies across types of voters. Are richer voters more strategic than poorer voters? Does strategic behavior vary with age, education, gender, or political leaning? The answers may be important for assessing how well an electoral system represents different preferences in society. We introduce a new approach to measuring and comparing strategic voting across voters that can be broadly applied, given appropriate survey data. In recent British elections, we find that older voters vote more strategically than younger voters and that richer voters vote more strategically than poorer voters, even as strategic behavior varies little across the education level. The differences in strategic voting by age and income are smaller than observed differences in turnout by age and income, but they tend to exacerbate these better-known inequalities in political participation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\TXTF4UVS\Eggers and Vivyan - 2020 - Who Votes More Strategically.pdf}
}

@article{elgeniusFramesNostalgiaBelonging2019,
  title = {Frames of Nostalgia and Belonging: The Resurgence of Ethno-Nationalism in {{Sweden}}},
  shorttitle = {Frames of Nostalgia and Belonging},
  author = {Elgenius, Gabriella and Rydgren, Jens},
  date = {2019-08-08},
  journaltitle = {European Societies},
  shortjournal = {European Societies},
  volume = {21},
  number = {4},
  pages = {583--602},
  issn = {1461-6696, 1469-8307},
  doi = {10.1080/14616696.2018.1494297},
  url = {https://direct.mit.edu/euso/article/doi/10.1080/14616696.2018.1494297},
  urldate = {2025-11-21},
  abstract = {This article explores the ethno-nationalist rhetoric promoted by radical rightwing parties in Europe; its perceived threats against national identity translated into a nostalgia for the past based on ethnic homogeneity. Five anti-immigrant frames have been especially instrumental in attracting voters, merging with other central components to construct a potent master frame and structuring much of the mobilizing activities of these parties. This development motivates a closer look into the ways in which the ethnonationalist message is framed and constructed, taking Sweden as our case in point. The Sweden Democrats entered the Swedish parliament in 2010, an election that has come to mark the end of Swedish ‘exceptionalism’ and pointing towards the resurgence of ethno-nationalism in Sweden too. The Swedish case is analyzed with a focus on the Sweden Democrats particular ethno-nationalist message; the rhetoric of decline of golden ages and solutions posed to combat these alleged processes of decay. We depart from framing theory that allow us to better understand the centrality of the ethno-nationalist message, which demonstrates considerable continuity over time, despite the modernization of party rhetoric. Thus, the exclusive conceptualization of nationality as constituted by an ‘inherited essence’, proposes that Swedish identity is more than culturally assigned. The empirical material consists of Sweden Democrat party manifestos and position papers since 1989 and selected articles from the party newsletter (SD Kuriren).},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\7SSFNH8B\Elgenius and Rydgren - 2019 - Frames of nostalgia and belonging the resurgence of ethno-nationalism in Sweden.pdf}
}

@incollection{elgeniusPoliticsEthnicNationalism2024,
  title = {The Politics of Ethnic Nationalism, Nostalgia and Anti-Immigrant Framing: The Trajectory of the {{Sweden Democrats}} 1989-2022},
  shorttitle = {The Politics of Ethnic Nationalism, Nostalgia and Anti-Immigrant Framing},
  booktitle = {Migration and {{Nationalism}}},
  author = {Elgenius, Gabriella and Rydgren, Jens},
  date = {2024-01-19},
  pages = {114--135},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  url = {https://www.elgaronline.com/edcollchap-oa/book/9781839100765/book-part-9781839100765-12.xml},
  urldate = {2025-11-25},
  abstract = {This study analyzes the close links between nationalism and migration by exploring the ethno-nationalist rhetoric of nationalist and populist Radical Right parties, taking the Sweden Democrat Party as the case in point. The intersections of nationalism and migration is analyzed by exploring frames and mechanisms of ethnic nationalism, nationalist nostalgia, anti-migrant frames, gatekeeping and resentment. The ethnic nationalism, the nostalgia for the imagined community that once was, alongside the framing of migration and migrants as a threat to the national community, the nation, are defining characteristics of the radical right party family in Europe and elsewhere. Sweden was long considered immune to such ethno-nationalist rhetoric since the Sweden Democrats, compared to the radical right parties of the other Nordic countries, made it into Parliament comparatively late in 2010. Today, and after the parliamentary election of 2022, the Sweden Democrats is the second largest party. Like many other nationalist and populist parties, the Sweden Democrats has modernized its rhetoric over time, as will be outlined. However, the centrality of the party’s ethno-nationalist message and its diagnostic framing of problems identifying migration as a threat to the nation, show remarkable continuity over the period 1989-2022 and is key to explaining how and why the party has appealed to voters. Frame theory is used to analyze central components of ethnic nationalism and anti-migrant framing and the empirical materials used for this study include official party manifestos and position papers between 1989 and 2022.},
  isbn = {978-1-83910-076-5},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HR3GPHND\Elgenius and Rydgren - 2024 - The politics of ethnic nationalism, nostalgia and anti-immigrant framing the trajectory of the Swed.pdf}
}

@article{elgeniusSwedenDemocratsEthnonationalist2017,
  title = {The {{Sweden Democrats}} and the Ethno-Nationalist Rhetoric of Decay and Betrayal},
  author = {Elgenius, Gabriella and Rydgren, Jens},
  date = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Sociologisk Forskning},
  volume = {54},
  number = {4},
  eprint = {26632209},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {353--358},
  publisher = {Sveriges Sociologförbund (Swedish Sociological Association)},
  issn = {0038-0342},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/26632209},
  urldate = {2025-11-25},
  abstract = {Sweden was long considered an "exceptional case" with no representatives of the radical right in parliament. However, the Sweden Democrats (SD) entered parliament in the 2010 parliamentary election, pointing towards the demand for ethnic nationalism also in Sweden. This article explores the party's rhetoric with particular references to the politics of decay and betrayal and its construction of a Swedish golden age. The rhetoric of decay echoes the ethnicity-based nationalisms articulated in other parts of Europe alongside nationalist claims of homogenous origins, a common destiny and an inherited social solidarity. The empirical material consists of political election programs since 1989 (SD 1989), high profile speeches and the party journal (SD Kuriren).},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\44JT6F8P\Elgenius and Rydgren - 2017 - The Sweden Democrats and the ethno-nationalist rhetoric of decay and betrayal.pdf}
}

@book{erlingssonPartyOrganizations2016,
  title = {The {{Party Organizations}}},
  author = {Erlingsson, Gissur Ó. and Kölln, Ann-Kristin and Öhberg, Patrik},
  editor = {Pierre, Jon},
  date = {2016-06-02},
  volume = {1},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.10},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/34477/chapter/292530821},
  urldate = {2024-03-13},
  abstract = {This chapter o ers a general description of party organizational development in Sweden. We assess to what extent Swedish party organizations have followed the (alleged) transformations from mass parties to “electoral-professional” and/or “cartel” parties. Additionally, we inquire if such transformations may have a ected the quality of intra-party democracy. It is demonstrated that mass parties, in principle, have been eradicated. Parties have become increasingly professionalized and less connected with their members. Also, tendencies towards a cartelization of the Swedish party system can be observed, particularly when the generous system of party subsidies is taken into account. However, no conclusive evidence supports the assertion that Swedish party organizations have become less internally democratic.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RCCGUG7G\Erlingsson et al. - 2016 - The Party Organizations.pdf}
}

@article{esaiasson14PoliticalParties,
  title = {14 {{Political Parties}} and {{Political Representation}} },
  author = {Esaiasson, Peter and Wängnerud, Lena},
  abstract = {Although Sweden is characterized by a stable formal framework for political representation, major changes during recent decades have a ected the conditions in which political representation is exercised. A once orderly ve-party system has evolved into an unwieldy eight-party system, and turnover in the Riksdag has increased. Parties are challenged from the inside by an increased presence of previously excluded groups, such as women and foreign-born representatives. Analyzing a unique series of mail surveys to Swedish MPs from 1985–2010, the chapter reports congruence on left–right issues versus pro le issues for newcomer parties, gender gaps in policy priorities and policy standpoints, and trends in citizens’ trust in representative institutions. The long-term perspective demonstrates that Swedish political parties are successful survivors. There is stability in policy agreement on left–right issues, and the increased number of parties and women MPs has meant stronger agreement between certain segments of MPs and voters.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\KW25D7VJ\Esaiasson and Wängnerud - 14 Political Parties and Political Representation .pdf}
}

@inproceedings{eulauRetrospectiveVotingAmerican1981,
  title = {Retrospective {{Voting}} in {{American National Elections}}, {\mkbibemph{by }}{{{\mkbibemph{Morris P}}}}{\mkbibemph{. }}{{{\mkbibemph{Fiorina}}}}},
  booktitle = {Political {{Science Quarterly}}},
  author = {Eulau, Heinz},
  date = {1981-12-01},
  volume = {96},
  number = {4},
  pages = {671--672},
  issn = {0032-3195, 1538-165X},
  doi = {10.2307/2149903},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/psq/article/96/4/671/7166241},
  urldate = {2024-04-17},
  abstract = {a useful introduction for an American audience to European historical social research. Most of the papers focus on technical problems of data availability and archiving, measurement and computerization. Three chapters are directly concerned with problems such as the generation of complex data files, preservation, storage and access, and new data bases. Five of the remaining 6 chapters are organized around the technical problems of dealing with themes such as time series, document content, personal networks, life histories, and administrative and census data. In their introduction the editors recognize this limited and initial character of European historical social research by pointing out that the papers do not represent more mature fields of inquiry. Yet one cannot remain wholly satisfied with these recognized limitations. There seems to be no inherent reason why historical empirical research utilizing quantitative data and social categories needs to be organized in so mechanical a fashion, shaped by the nature of the data and the technical problems of organizing it. It could be shaped equally well, although not as easily, around problems of conceptualization, in which choices of data to be examined and methods of juxtaposing it for analysis could be determined more by the substance of historical problems themselves. Only one of the topics presented here approaches this mode of research, an analysis by Heinrich Best of the petitions to the Frankfurt National Assembly in 1848 and 1849. Best makes clear that he seeks to use his data to test previous theories about the course of political relationships among varied economic groups as the events of those two years unfolded. And his data provide an opportunity to go even further to sort out leading and lagging sectors of economy and politics in mid-nineteenth-century Germany. But few of the projects reported here seem to have such conceptual potential. American historical social research has experienced some severe limitations in conceptual relevance because of the very high degree to which its inquiries have been shaped by preoccupation with the technical aspects of making quantitative data manageable. As of yet, therefore, it has had only minor impact on larger analyses of American history. If organized around well-defined problems of historical conceptualization, it could play a far more significant role. From this volume one wonders if the same limitations cannot be predicted for historical social research in Europe as well.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{evansTacticalErrorAnalysis1993,
  title = {A {{Tactical Error}} in the {{Analysis}} of {{Tactical Voting}}: {{A Response}} to {{Niemi}}, {{Whitten}} and {{Franklin}}},
  shorttitle = {A {{Tactical Error}} in the {{Analysis}} of {{Tactical Voting}}},
  author = {Evans, Geoffrey and Heath, Anthony},
  date = {1993-01},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  shortjournal = {Brit. J. Polit. Sci},
  volume = {23},
  number = {1},
  pages = {131--137},
  issn = {0007-1234, 1469-2112},
  doi = {10.1017/S0007123400006591},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0007123400006591/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-09-23},
  abstract = {In their article ‘Constituency Characteristics, Individual Characteristics and Tactical Voting in the 1987 British General Election’, Niemi, Whitten and Franklin claim that in the 1987 general election ‘about one in every six voters … had tactical considerations in mind in deciding whom to vote for’. As they point out, this figure is far higher than Heath               et al.               's estimate of 6.5 per cent of major party voters having ‘a tactical motivation for their vote’. It is also far higher than estimates obtained by other analyses of the 1987 election using aggregate data. In this Note we point to methodological weaknesses in Niemi, Whitten and Franklin's article which indicate that their estimate is unlikely to be a valid measure of tactical voting, at least of the concept as customarily understood by political scientists. Indeed, when looked at carefully, the evidence they present to support their expanded estimate of tactical voting serves only to re-affirm the original claims of Heath and his colleagues and the other conservative estimates of the prevalence of tactical voting.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\62U35JJP\Evans and Heath - 1993 - A Tactical Error in the Analysis of Tactical Votin.pdf}
}

@article{evertssonPROMOTINGELECTORALTURNOUT,
  title = {{{PROMOTING ELECTORAL TURNOUT THROUGH VOTING ADVICE APPLICATIONS}}?},
  author = {Evertsson, Kajsa},
  abstract = {Sweden has been chosen as the case of interest and more precisely the Swedish parliamentary election 2018 and the EP election 2019. The findings showed that VAAs did affect turnout in both elections, but that the difference in terms of turnout between VAA users and non-VAA users was larger during the EP election 2019 compared with the Swedish parliamentary election 2018.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WBNETS6U\Evertsson - PROMOTING ELECTORAL TURNOUT THROUGH VOTING ADVICE .pdf}
}

@article{evrenkSocialInteractionsVoting2015,
  title = {Social Interactions in Voting Behavior: Distinguishing between Strategic Voting and the Bandwagon Effect},
  shorttitle = {Social Interactions in Voting Behavior},
  author = {Evrenk, Haldun and Sher, Chien-Yuan},
  date = {2015-03-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Choice},
  shortjournal = {Public Choice},
  volume = {162},
  number = {3},
  pages = {405--423},
  issn = {1573-7101},
  doi = {10.1007/s11127-015-0241-3},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-015-0241-3},
  urldate = {2024-09-02},
  abstract = {Prior studies of strategic voting in multi-party elections potentially overestimate the extent of it by counting erroneously votes cast under different motivations as strategic votes. We propose a method that corrects some of this overestimation by distinguishing between strategic voting (voting for a candidate other than the most preferred one to reduce the likelihood of an election victory by a third candidate that is disliked even more) and the votes cast under the ‘bandwagon effect’ (voting for the expected winner instead of the most preferred party to conform to the majority or to be on the winning side). Our method follows from the observation that a vote cannot be strategic unless the voter believes that it will affect the outcome of the election with a non-zero probability, while a vote cast under the bandwagon effect requires no such belief. Employing survey data that include the respondent’s assessment of the importance of his vote, we illustrate this method by estimating the extent of strategic voting in the 2005 UK general election. The estimated extent of strategic voting (4.22~\%) is strictly less than self-reported strategic voting (6.94~\%), but the discrepancy cannot be attributed in a statistically significant way to the bandwagon effect, suggesting that motivations other than those identified in the literature may be at work.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Bandwagon effects,D71,D72,D84,Multi-party competition,Social interactions,Strategic voting,Voting behavior},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JNLHJIE4\Evrenk and Sher - 2015 - Social interactions in voting behavior distinguis.pdf}
}

@online{ExtremismSurveyMeasures,
  title = {Extremism in Survey Measures of Ideology},
  doi = {10.1177/2053168016669743},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/2053168016669743},
  urldate = {2025-04-03},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\Q3H3IWR8\\Extremism in survey measures of ideology.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\L7T7DPY3\\2053168016669743.html}
}

@article{eysenckRevisedVersionPsychoticism1985,
  title = {A Revised Version of the Psychoticism Scale},
  author = {Eysenck, S. B. G. and Eysenck, H. J. and Barrett, Paul},
  date = {1985-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  shortjournal = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  volume = {6},
  number = {1},
  pages = {21--29},
  issn = {0191-8869},
  doi = {10.1016/0191-8869(85)90026-1},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0191886985900261},
  urldate = {2024-08-07},
  abstract = {In view of certain psychometric deficiencies of the original Psychoticism scale, an attempt was made to improve the scale by adding new items. It was attempted to increase the internal reliability of the scale, improve the shape of the distribution and increase the mean and variance score. Two different studies are discussed. Reliabilities are now somewhat improved, distributions are closer to normal and mean scores are higher than on the old scale. Four new short 12-item scales for the measurement of P, E, N and L are also given.},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\HUHHMY2A\\Eysenck et al. - 1985 - A revised version of the psychoticism scale.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\QQV6LVVN\\0191886985900261.html}
}

@online{FearExtremes,
  title = {Fear {{Among}} the {{Extremes}}},
  doi = {10.1177/0146167215569706},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/0146167215569706?src=getftr&utm_source=scopus&getft_integrator=scopus},
  urldate = {2025-03-19},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\4VG42PV6\0146167215569706.html}
}

@article{federicoPredictingAttitudeExtremity2004,
  title = {Predicting {{Attitude Extremity}}: {{The Interactive Effects}} of {{Schema Development}} and the {{Need}} to {{Evaluate}} and {{Their Mediation}} by {{Evaluative Integration}}},
  shorttitle = {Predicting {{Attitude Extremity}}},
  author = {Federico, Christopher M.},
  date = {2004-10},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
  shortjournal = {Pers Soc Psychol Bull},
  volume = {30},
  number = {10},
  pages = {1281--1294},
  issn = {0146-1672, 1552-7433},
  doi = {10.1177/0146167204263787},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0146167204263787},
  urldate = {2025-03-28},
  abstract = {Research on attitude extremity suggests that schemas containing more information about a particular attitude domain are more likely to be associated with extreme attitudes toward objects in that domain when perceivers’ responses toward features of the domain are evaluatively integrated. The present study argues that a high need to evaluate may play an important role in determining when schema development will be associated with the integrated responses to different domain features necessary for extremity. Consistent with this argument, data from a nationally representative survey of political attitudes indicated that the need to evaluate was associated with increased extremity across two different indices of the latter; that it moderated the relationships between schema development (in the form of political expertise), on one hand, and increased extremity and integration, on the other; and that the moderating effects of the need to evaluate vis-à-vis extremity were mediated by integration.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\4IRAXSSN\Federico - 2004 - Predicting Attitude Extremity The Interactive Effects of Schema Development and the Need to Evaluat.pdf}
}

@article{federicoPredictingAttitudeExtremity2004a,
  title = {Predicting Attitude Extremity: The Interactive Effects of Schema Development and the Need to Evaluate and Their Mediation by Evaluative Integration},
  shorttitle = {Predicting Attitude Extremity},
  author = {Federico, Christopher M.},
  date = {2004-10},
  journaltitle = {Personality \& Social Psychology Bulletin},
  shortjournal = {Pers Soc Psychol Bull},
  volume = {30},
  number = {10},
  eprint = {15466601},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {1281--1294},
  issn = {0146-1672},
  doi = {10.1177/0146167204263787},
  abstract = {Research on attitude extremity suggests that schemas containing more information about a particular attitude domain are more likely to be associated with extreme attitudes toward objects in that domain when perceivers' responses toward features of the domain are evaluatively integrated. The present study argues that a high need to evaluate may play an important role in determining when schema development will be associated with the integrated responses to different domain features necessary for extremity. Consistent with this argument, data from a nationally representative survey of political attitudes indicated that the need to evaluate was associated with increased extremity across two different indices of the latter; that it moderated the relationships between schema development (in the form of political expertise), on one hand, and increased extremity and integration, on the other; and that the moderating effects of the need to evaluate vis-a-vis extremity were mediated by integration.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Adult,Attitude,Cognition,Decision Making,Demography,Female,Humans,Male,Politics,Prospective Studies,Reading,Reproducibility of Results,Social Behavior,Surveys and Questionnaires,Time Factors}
}

@online{FeelingSuperiorBipartisan,
  title = {Feeling {{Superior Is}} a {{Bipartisan Issue}}},
  doi = {10.1177/0956797613494848},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/0956797613494848?src=getftr&utm_source=scopus&getft_integrator=scopus},
  urldate = {2025-03-19},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BWVTZ2Y2\0956797613494848.html}
}

@article{feldmanUnderstandingDeterminantsPolitical2014,
  title = {Understanding the {{Determinants}} of {{Political Ideology}}: {{Implications}} of {{Structural Complexity}}},
  shorttitle = {Understanding the {{Determinants}} of {{Political Ideology}}},
  author = {Feldman, Stanley and Johnston, Christopher},
  date = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {35},
  number = {3},
  pages = {337--358},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12055},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/pops.12055},
  urldate = {2025-05-12},
  abstract = {There has been a substantial increase in research on the determinants and consequences of political ideology among political scientists and social psychologists. In psychology, researchers have examined the effects of personality and motivational factors on ideological orientations as well as differences in moral reasoning and brain functioning between liberals and conservatives. In political science, studies have investigated possible genetic influences on ideology as well as the role of personality factors. Virtually all of this research begins with the assumption that it is possible to understand the determinants and consequences of ideology via a unidimensional conceptualization. We argue that a unidimensional model of ideology provides an incomplete basis for the study of political ideology. We show that two dimensions—economic and social ideology—are the minimum needed to account for domestic policy preferences. More importantly, we demonstrate that the determinants of these two ideological dimensions are vastly different across a wide range of variables. Focusing on a single ideological dimension obscures these differences and, in some cases, makes it difficult to observe important determinants of ideology. We also show that this multidimensionality leads to a significant amount of heterogeneity in the structure of ideology that must be modeled to fully understand the structure and determinants of political attitudes.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {ideology,motivation,personality,political attitudes},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\QPYTHGBB\\Feldman and Johnston - 2014 - Understanding the Determinants of Political Ideology Implications of Structural Complexity.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\QTBWS87U\\pops.html}
}

@article{fengRevisitingRelationshipContextual,
  title = {Revisiting the Relationship between Contextual Ethnic Diversity and Social Trust with Microgeographic Data},
  author = {Feng, Qinya},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\YP8HCCT4\Feng - Revisiting the relationship between contextual eth.pdf}
}

@article{fengTriangulatingRelationshipEducation2024,
  title = {Triangulating the {{Relationship Between Education}} and {{Attitudes Toward Immigration}}},
  author = {Feng, Qinya},
  date = {2024},
  abstract = {Education is widely believed to predict attitudes toward immigration, but what causal relationship underlies this descriptive pattern? This research employs three distinct natural experiments and considers genetic factors to triangulate this relationship: Study 1 analyses discordant monozygotic twins; Study 2 assesses the impact of a Swedish education reform; and Study 3 analyses dizygotic twins with the use of a polygenic index for education, a DNA-based measure for genetic predispositions toward education. The results indicate that education does modestly promote open views toward immigration (Study 1), yet the reform’s effect remains uncertain (Study 2). Study 3 offers direct evidence of the effects of genetic predispositions and suggests that genetics related to education may influence attitudes beyond achieved educational attainment. These findings confirm the positive impact of education while pointing to the combined influence of genetic and social pathways in shaping immigration attitudes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LBFNK2PE\Feng - Triangulating the Relationship Between Education a.pdf}
}

@article{ferlandPolicyCongruenceIts2021,
  title = {Policy Congruence and Its Impact on Satisfaction with Democracy},
  author = {Ferland, Benjamin},
  date = {2021-02-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {69},
  pages = {102204},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102204},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379420300871},
  urldate = {2024-10-17},
  abstract = {The relationship between what citizens want in terms of policies and what they get from political elites is considered one of the key aspects of representative democracies. Scholars have thus investigated thoroughly the state of citizen-elite congruence in advanced democracies and whether this relationship influences citizens' democratic satisfaction. These studies do show that citizens' assessment of their political system and especially their satisfaction with democracy are importantly influenced by the quality of representation and how close they are to their preferred parties or the government position. In the paper, we build on this literature and consider whether congruence between citizen preferences and policies influences citizens' satisfaction with democracy. This last stage of representation has mostly been overlooked in past research. To address this question, we make use of data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (module 4). Policy congruence is measured based on respondent answers to a series of questions with respect to their preferences on public expenditure in eight policy domains. We also compare the effect of policy congruence to other conventional measures of congruence (e.g. party and government congruence). Our results indicate that this new measure of policy congruence has substantial effect on citizens’ satisfaction with democracy and more so than previous measures of ideological congruence.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\MUFFS3NB\S0261379420300871.html}
}

@article{fiorinaEconomicRetrospectiveVoting1978,
  title = {Economic {{Retrospective Voting}} in {{American National Elections}}: {{A Micro-Analysis}}},
  shorttitle = {Economic {{Retrospective Voting}} in {{American National Elections}}},
  author = {Fiorina, Morris P.},
  date = {1978},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {22},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {2110623},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {426--443},
  publisher = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  doi = {10.2307/2110623},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2110623},
  urldate = {2024-04-19},
  abstract = {A number of recent studies examine the traditional hypothesis that the electoral fortunes of the incumbent president's party rise and fall in direct relation to fluctuations in the state of the national economy. Typically these studies employ a longitudinal design in which a party's aggregate congressional vote serves as the dependent variable, and various economic indicators serve as independent variables. On balance, the election returns appear to bear some relation to economic conditions, although various disagreements exist. Using data from the 1956 to 1974 SRC election studies this paper attempts to uncover an individual-level basis for the macro-relationship found by earlier studies. Specifically, do citizens vote for or against the incumbent president's party as a function of their personal economic condition? The survey data permit us to conclude that a citizen's personal economic condition affects his presidential vote. For congressional voting, however, the findings are positive until 1960 and negative thereafter. And contrary to some previous research, we find no systematic relationship between a citizen's personal economic condition and his decision to vote or abstain.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8TAXZQAQ\Fiorina - 1978 - Economic Retrospective Voting in American National.pdf}
}

@book{fiorinaRetrospectiveVotingAmerican1981,
  title = {Retrospective Voting in {{American}} National Elections},
  author = {Fiorina, Morris P.},
  with = {{Internet Archive}},
  date = {1981},
  publisher = {New Haven : Yale University Press},
  url = {http://archive.org/details/retrospectivevot0000fior},
  urldate = {2024-04-19},
  abstract = {xi, 249 pages : 24 cm; Includes bibliographical references and index},
  isbn = {978-0-300-02557-6 978-0-300-02703-7},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {270},
  keywords = {Elections -- United States}
}

@article{fisherExtendingRationalVoter2001,
  title = {Extending the {{Rational Voter Theory}} of {{Tactical Voting}}},
  author = {Fisher, Stephen D},
  date = {2001},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BSMTFI37\Fisher - Extending the Rational Voter Theory of Tactical Vo.pdf}
}

@online{FormingJudgmentsAttitude,
  title = {Forming {{Judgments}} of {{Attitude Certainty}}, {{Intensity}}, and {{Importance}}: {{The Role}} of {{Subjective Experiences}}},
  shorttitle = {Forming {{Judgments}} of {{Attitude Certainty}}, {{Intensity}}, and {{Importance}}},
  doi = {10.1177/0146167299025007001},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/0146167299025007001},
  urldate = {2025-03-18},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\2MU5DZ7K\\Forming Judgments of Attitude Certainty, Intensity, and Importance The Role of Subjective Experienc.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\DI9Q5YWK\\0146167299025007001.html}
}

@article{fowlerGeneticVariationPolitical2008,
  title = {Genetic {{Variation}} in {{Political Participation}}},
  author = {Fowler, James H. and Baker, Laura A. and Dawes, Christopher T.},
  date = {2008},
  journaltitle = {The American Political Science Review},
  volume = {102},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {27644513},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {233--248},
  publisher = {[American Political Science Association, Cambridge University Press]},
  issn = {0003-0554},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/27644513},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {The decision to vote has puzzled scholars for decades. Theoretical models predict little or no variation in participation in large population elections and empirical models have typically accounted for only a relatively small portion of individual-level variance in turnout behavior. However, these models have not considered the hypothesis that part of the variation in voting behavior can be attributed to genetic effects. Matching public voter turnout records in Los Angeles to a twin registry, we study the heritability of political behavior in monozygotic and dizygotic twins. The results show that a significant proportion of the variation in voting turnout can be accounted for by genes. We also replicate these results with data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health and show that they extend to a broad class of acts of political participation. These are the first findings to suggest that humans exhibit genetic variation in their tendency to participate in political activities.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZC9CMZTE\Fowler et al. - 2008 - Genetic Variation in Political Participation.pdf}
}

@article{fowlerModerates2023,
  title = {Moderates},
  author = {Fowler, Anthony and Hill, Seth J. and Lewis, Jeffrey B. and Tausanovitch, Chris and Vavreck, Lynn and Warshaw, Christopher},
  date = {2023-05},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {117},
  number = {2},
  pages = {643--660},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055422000818},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/moderates/71A6A9BD7EC7A5C94F975703417F866F},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  abstract = {Moderates are often overlooked in contemporary research on American voters. Many scholars who have examined moderates argue that these individuals are only classified as such due to a lack of political sophistication or conflicted views across issues. We develop a method to distinguish three ways an individual might be classified as moderate: having genuinely moderate views across issues, being inattentive to politics or political surveys, or holding views poorly summarized by a single liberal–conservative dimension. We find that a single ideological dimension accurately describes most, but not all, Americans’ policy views. Using the classifications from our model, we demonstrate that moderates and those whose views are not well explained by a single dimension are especially consequential for electoral selection and accountability. These results suggest a need for renewed attention to the middle of the American political spectrum.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\IRZJ44TV\Fowler et al. - 2023 - Moderates.pdf}
}

@article{fowlerSelfSocialIdentity2007,
  title = {Beyond the {{Self}}: {{Social Identity}}, {{Altruism}}, and {{Political Participation}}},
  shorttitle = {Beyond the {{Self}}},
  author = {Fowler, James H. and Kam, Cindy D.},
  date = {2007-08},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  shortjournal = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {69},
  number = {3},
  pages = {813--827},
  issn = {0022-3816, 1468-2508},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00577.x},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00577.x},
  urldate = {2024-04-17},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WKIRBZI3\Fowler and Kam - 2007 - Beyond the Self Social Identity, Altruism, and Po.pdf}
}

@online{fowlerTwoGenesPredict2007,
  type = {SSRN Scholarly Paper},
  title = {Two {{Genes Predict Voter Turnout}}},
  author = {Fowler, James H. and Dawes, Christopher T.},
  date = {2007-12-01},
  number = {1032632},
  location = {Rochester, NY},
  doi = {10.2139/ssrn.1032632},
  url = {https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=1032632},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Fowler, Baker, and Dawes (2008) recently showed in two independent studies of twins that voter turnout has very high heritability. Here we investigate two specific genes that may contribute to this heritability via their impact on neurochemical processes that influence social behavior. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, we show that a polymorphism of the MAOA gene significantly increases the likelihood of voting. We also find evidence of a gene-environment interaction between religious attendance and a polymorphism of the 5HTT gene that significantly increases voter turnout. These are the first results to ever link specific genes to political behavior and they suggest that political scientists should take seriously the claim that at least some variation in political behavior is due to innate predispositions.},
  langid = {english},
  pubstate = {prepublished},
  keywords = {5HTT,genes,MAOA,political participation,seratonin,turnout},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JPK647CD\Fowler and Dawes - 2007 - Two Genes Predict Voter Turnout.pdf}
}

@book{fredenStrategicVotingCoalition2016,
  title = {Strategic Voting under Coalition Governments},
  author = {Fredén, Annika},
  date = {2016},
  publisher = {Lund University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political Science},
  location = {Lund},
  isbn = {978-91-7623-587-4},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {46},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\MLE72FPE\Fredén - 2016 - Strategic voting under coalition governments.pdf}
}

@article{froehlichWarmthCompetenceStereotypes2019,
  title = {Warmth and Competence Stereotypes about Immigrant Groups in {{Germany}}},
  author = {Froehlich, Laura and Schulte, Isabel},
  editor = {Steele, Jennifer},
  date = {2019-09-27},
  journaltitle = {PLOS ONE},
  shortjournal = {PLoS ONE},
  volume = {14},
  number = {9},
  pages = {e0223103},
  issn = {1932-6203},
  doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0223103},
  url = {https://dx.plos.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0223103},
  urldate = {2025-08-26},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\VTRU9WTJ\Froehlich and Schulte - 2019 - Warmth and competence stereotypes about immigrant groups in Germany.pdf}
}

@article{fullerAffectNotIdeology2025,
  title = {Affect, {{Not Ideology}}: {{The Heterogeneous Effects}} of {{Partisan Cues}} on {{Policy Support}}},
  shorttitle = {Affect, {{Not Ideology}}},
  author = {Fuller, Sam and family=Cerda, given=Nicolás, prefix=de la, useprefix=true and Rametta, Jack T.},
  date = {2025-03-18},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-025-10030-w},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-025-10030-w},
  urldate = {2025-10-20},
  abstract = {How do individuals process political information? What behavioral mechanisms drive partisan bias? In this paper, we evaluate the extent to which partisan bias is driven by affect or ideology in a three-pronged approach informed by both psychological theories and recent advances in methodology. First, we use a novel survey experiment designed to disentangle the competing mechanisms of ideology and partisan affect. Second, we leverage multidimensional scaling methods for latent variable estimation for both partisan affect and ideology. Third, we employ a principled machine learning method, causal forest, to detect and estimate heterogeneous treatment effects. Contrary to previous literature, we find that affect is the sole moderator of partisan cueing processes, and only for out-party cues. These findings not only contribute to the literature on political behavior, but underscore the importance of careful measurement and robust subgroup analysis.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Causal forest,Heterogeneous treatment effects,Machine learning,Multidimensional scaling,Partisan cues,Public opinion},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\C62K6GFN\Fuller et al. - 2025 - Affect, Not Ideology The Heterogeneous Effects of Partisan Cues on Policy Support.pdf}
}

@article{gallatiProximityDirectionalVoting2020,
  title = {Proximity and Directional Voting: {{Testing}} for the Region of Acceptability},
  shorttitle = {Proximity and Directional Voting},
  author = {Gallati, Laura and Giger, Nathalie},
  date = {2020-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {64},
  pages = {102024},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2019.02.015},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379418300829},
  urldate = {2024-11-06},
  abstract = {Although countless articles examined proximity and directional voting, little attention has been paid to a central concept of directional theory – the region of acceptability (ROA) – and very few empirical tests of the concept have been conducted. We remedy this gap and focus in this study on the ROA and the individual nature of the penalty imposed. Relying on original data collected in a survey in Switzerland (N\,=\,2000) and an experimental design manipulating the positions of the fictional candidates, we find clear evidence for the existence of the ROA. Our findings also support the idea that the ROA is an individual-level concept, as variables like political extremism and interest in politics have an influence on the effect of the ROA.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\QMPKPK9T\Gallati and Giger - 2020 - Proximity and directional voting Testing for the .pdf}
}

@article{gallegoUnderstandingUnequalTurnout2010,
  title = {Understanding Unequal Turnout: {{Education}} and Voting in Comparative Perspective},
  shorttitle = {Understanding Unequal Turnout},
  author = {Gallego, Aina},
  date = {2010-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {29},
  number = {2},
  pages = {239--248},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2009.11.002},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379409001176},
  urldate = {2025-07-31},
  abstract = {Well-educated citizens vote more frequently than the poorly educated in some countries, including the USA. However, in many countries, no such differences are observed. One classical explanation of the presence or absence of this inequality in voting is that the strength of left-wing forces sharpens or reduces it. An alternative explanation is that some institutional arrangements and contextual features disproportionately affect the voter participation of some individuals depending on their resources, thus shaping turnout inequality. These theories are tested using multilevel modeling with data from 28 advanced industrial democracies. Compulsory voting reduces inequalities because under this system quasi-universal turnout is achieved. In addition, the poorly educated vote more frequently when the voting procedure is easy and when there are few political parties, thus reducing turnout inequality. However, strong left-wing parties and trade unions are not associated with more equal turnout.},
  keywords = {Education,Elections,Political inequality,Voter turnout},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\Y4P48SB5\\Gallego - 2010 - Understanding unequal turnout Education and voting in comparative perspective.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\289HLW6R\\S0261379409001176.html}
}

@article{gannaLargescaleGWASReveals2019,
  title = {Large-Scale {{GWAS}} Reveals Insights into the Genetic Architecture of Same-Sex Sexual Behavior},
  author = {Ganna, Andrea and Verweij, Karin J H and Nivard, Michel G and Maier, Robert and Wedow, Robbee and Busch, Alexander S and Abdellaoui, Abdel and Guo, Shengru and Sathirapongsasuti, J Fah and Lundström, Sebastian and Långström, Niklas and Auton, Adam and Harris, Kathleen Mullan and Beecham, Gary W and Martin, Eden R and Sanders, Alan R and Perry, John R B and Neale, Benjamin M and Zietsch, Brendan P},
  date = {2019},
  journaltitle = {HUMAN GENETICS},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DGKW827U\Ganna et al. - 2019 - Large-scale GWAS reveals insights into the genetic.pdf}
}

@article{garziaVotingAdviceApplications2012,
  title = {Voting {{Advice Applications}} under Review: The State of Research},
  shorttitle = {Voting {{Advice Applications}} under Review},
  author = {Garzia, Diego and Marschall, Stefan},
  date = {2012},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Electronic Governance},
  shortjournal = {IJEG},
  volume = {5},
  number = {3/4},
  pages = {203},
  issn = {1742-7509, 1742-7517},
  doi = {10.1504/IJEG.2012.051309},
  url = {http://www.inderscience.com/link.php?id=51309},
  urldate = {2024-08-28},
  abstract = {In recent years, Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) have become a relevant object of political science research. The aim of this paper is to develop a map of the existing literature and to outline a research agenda for this increasingly relevant tool and its role within modern democracies. Starting point of the paper is the dissemination of VAAs in Europe, focusing on the differences and similarities between the main types of VAAs. After having outlined the reasons for the dramatic spread of VAAs among European countries and voters, we provide an overview on the existing VAA literature. We then present a comparative research agenda for the VAAs by identifying questions that could be posed to the tools and their role out of different analytical perspectives. In the conclusion, we bring forward the argument that VAAs might matter even more in the future, indicating the need for a coordinated research effort.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\IH3ZT44G\Garzia and Marschall - 2012 - Voting Advice Applications under review the state.pdf}
}

@article{geersPatternsIntraelectionVolatility2019a,
  title = {Patterns of Intra-Election Volatility: The Impact of Political Knowledge*},
  shorttitle = {Patterns of Intra-Election Volatility},
  author = {Geers, Sabine and Strömbäck, Jesper},
  date = {2019-07-03},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  volume = {29},
  number = {3},
  pages = {361--380},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1745-7289},
  doi = {10.1080/17457289.2018.1531010},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2018.1531010},
  urldate = {2024-11-12},
  abstract = {One key trend changing political environments across advanced industrial democracies is increasing electoral volatility. Despite extensive research, at the individual level we still know relatively little about the mechanisms behind electoral volatility during election campaigns, including the impact of political knowledge. Against this background and based on a four-wave panel study in the context of the 2014 Swedish national election, the purpose of this paper is to investigate (a) patterns of intra-election volatility and the impact of (b) political knowledge on patterns of electoral volatility. Distinguishing between party alienation, crystallization, wavering, reinforcement, and conversion, among other things, findings show some effects from political knowledge on patterns of electoral volatility but only for acquired political knowledge.},
  keywords = {campaign effects,election campaigns,Electoral volatility,political knowledge},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\C4C4W3FP\Geers and Strömbäck - 2019 - Patterns of intra-election volatility the impact .pdf}
}

@article{gemenisVotingAdviceApplications2014,
  title = {Voting {{Advice Applications}} and Electoral Turnout},
  author = {Gemenis, Kostas and Rosema, Martin},
  date = {2014-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {36},
  pages = {281--289},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2014.06.010},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379414000742},
  urldate = {2024-08-28},
  abstract = {In the last two decades Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) have become popular tools among voters, especially in several countries with a multi-party system. In this paper we test if the use of VAAs stimulates electoral participation. We use survey data from the Netherlands, where such tools are widely used. In order to overcome methodological problems of earlier studies, we use techniques that model the effect of confounding variables as a problem of selection into the treatment (VAA usage). We estimate that VAA usage accounted for about four per cent of the reported turnout in the election. The mobilising effect was largest among groups that typically vote in relatively small numbers, such as young voters and those less knowledgeable about politics.},
  keywords = {Electoral turnout,Entropy covariate balancing,Voting Advice Applications,Voting behaviour},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\5BDJ24X8\\Gemenis and Rosema - 2014 - Voting Advice Applications and electoral turnout.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\ASEKJFMB\\S0261379414000742.html}
}

@article{gendzwillMindGapPlease2021,
  title = {Mind the Gap, Please! {{Pinpointing}} the Influence of Municipal Size on Local Electoral Participation},
  author = {Gendźwiłł, Adam and Kjaer, Ulrik},
  date = {2021-01-02},
  journaltitle = {Local Government Studies},
  volume = {47},
  number = {1},
  pages = {11--30},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0300-3930},
  doi = {10.1080/03003930.2020.1777107},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2020.1777107},
  urldate = {2025-01-29},
  abstract = {Turnout rates vary between local and national elections. This paper promotes the national–local turnout gap as the best way to pinpoint the local component of voting at local elections. By analysing the national–local turnout gap instead of the raw local turnout rate, one can reduce the potential bias originating from the differences in socio-demographic composition and civic skills existing between municipalities of various sizes. Including data from 12 countries and almost 15,000 municipalities, it is demonstrated that a clear and consistent relationship between municipal size and local turnout exists: the larger the municipality the fewer eligible voters turn out at local elections (compared to national elections).},
  keywords = {electoral participation,local elections,Municipal size,national–local turnout gap,size and democracy,voter turnout},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RAJH6IY7\Gendźwiłł and Kjaer - 2021 - Mind the gap, please! Pinpointing the influence of municipal size on local electoral participation.pdf}
}

@article{gerberBigFivePersonality2011,
  title = {The {{Big Five Personality Traits}} in the {{Political Arena}}},
  author = {Gerber, Alan S. and Huber, Gregory A. and Doherty, David and Dowling, Conor M.},
  date = {2011-06-15},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  volume = {14},
  pages = {265--287},
  publisher = {Annual Reviews},
  issn = {1094-2939, 1545-1577},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-051010-111659},
  url = {https://www.annualreviews.org/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051010-111659},
  urldate = {2024-06-27},
  abstract = {Recent political science research on the effects of core personality traits—the Big Five—contributes to our understanding of how people interact with their political environments. This research examines how individual-level variations in broad, stable psychological characteristics affect individual-level political outcomes. In this article, we review recent work that uses the Big Five to predict political attitudes and behavior. We also replicate some of these analyses using new data to examine the possibility that prior findings stem from sampling error or unique political contexts. Finally, we discuss several of the challenges faced by scholars who are currently pursuing or are interested in pursuing this line of inquiry. These challenges include refining theoretical explanations of how the Big Five shape political outcomes, addressing important measurement concerns, and resolving inconsistencies across studies.},
  issue = {Volume 14, 2011},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\W8K3B42S\annurev-polisci-051010-111659.html}
}

@article{gerberPersonalityPoliticalAttitudes2010,
  title = {Personality and {{Political Attitudes}}: {{Relationships}} across {{Issue Domains}} and {{Political Contexts}}},
  shorttitle = {Personality and {{Political Attitudes}}},
  author = {Gerber, Alan S. and Huber, Gregory A. and Doherty, David and Dowling, Conor M. and Ha, Shang E.},
  date = {2010-02},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {104},
  number = {1},
  pages = {111--133},
  issn = {1537-5943, 0003-0554},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055410000031},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/personality-and-political-attitudes-relationships-across-issue-domains-and-political-contexts/DB05EBD054E13BD436CF910B5D7A268D},
  urldate = {2024-06-13},
  abstract = {Previous research on personality traits and political attitudes has largely focused on the direct relationships between traits and ideological self-placement. There are theoretical reasons, however, to suspect that the relationships between personality traits and political attitudes (1) vary across issue domains and (2) depend on contextual factors that affect the meaning of political stimuli. In this study, we provide an explicit theoretical framework for formulating hypotheses about these differential effects. We then leverage the power of an unusually large national survey of registered voters to examine how the relationships between Big Five personality traits and political attitudes differ across issue domains and social contexts (as defined by racial groups). We confirm some important previous findings regarding personality and political ideology, find clear evidence that Big Five traits affect economic and social attitudes differently, show that the effect of Big Five traits is often as large as that of education or income in predicting ideology, and demonstrate that the relationships between Big Five traits and ideology vary substantially between white and black respondents.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6KJW76MY\Gerber et al. - 2010 - Personality and Political Attitudes Relationships.pdf}
}

@article{gerberPersonalityPoliticalAttitudes2010a,
  title = {Personality and {{Political Attitudes}}: {{Relationships}} across {{Issue Domains}} and {{Political Contexts}}},
  shorttitle = {Personality and {{Political Attitudes}}},
  author = {Gerber, Alan S. and Huber, Gregory A. and Doherty, David and Dowling, Conor M. and Ha, Shang E.},
  date = {2010-02},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {104},
  number = {1},
  pages = {111--133},
  issn = {1537-5943, 0003-0554},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055410000031},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/personality-and-political-attitudes-relationships-across-issue-domains-and-political-contexts/DB05EBD054E13BD436CF910B5D7A268D},
  urldate = {2024-06-27},
  abstract = {Previous research on personality traits and political attitudes has largely focused on the direct relationships between traits and ideological self-placement. There are theoretical reasons, however, to suspect that the relationships between personality traits and political attitudes (1) vary across issue domains and (2) depend on contextual factors that affect the meaning of political stimuli. In this study, we provide an explicit theoretical framework for formulating hypotheses about these differential effects. We then leverage the power of an unusually large national survey of registered voters to examine how the relationships between Big Five personality traits and political attitudes differ across issue domains and social contexts (as defined by racial groups). We confirm some important previous findings regarding personality and political ideology, find clear evidence that Big Five traits affect economic and social attitudes differently, show that the effect of Big Five traits is often as large as that of education or income in predicting ideology, and demonstrate that the relationships between Big Five traits and ideology vary substantially between white and black respondents.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\UCKQVHN4\Gerber et al. - 2010 - Personality and Political Attitudes Relationships.pdf}
}

@article{gerberPersonalityStrengthDirection2012,
  title = {Personality and the {{Strength}} and {{Direction}} of {{Partisan Identification}}},
  author = {Gerber, Alan S. and Huber, Gregory A. and Doherty, David and Dowling, Conor M.},
  date = {2012-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {34},
  number = {4},
  pages = {653--688},
  issn = {0190-9320, 1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-011-9178-5},
  url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-011-9178-5},
  urldate = {2024-03-18},
  abstract = {We examine the associations between personality traits and the strength and direction of partisan identification using a large national sample. We theorize that the relationships between Big Five personality traits and which party a person affiliates with should mirror those between the Big Five and ideology, which we find to be the case. This suggests that the associations between the Big Five and the direction of partisan identification are largely mediated by ideology. Our more novel finding is that personality traits substantially affect whether individuals affiliate with any party as well as the strength of those affiliations, effects that we theorize stem from affective and cognitive benefits of affiliation. In particular, we find that three personality traits (Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Openness) predict strength of partisan identification (p \textbackslash{} 0.05). This result holds even after controlling for ideology and a variety of issue positions. These findings contribute to our understanding of the psychological antecedents of partisan identification.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\YCDWVQKM\Gerber et al. - 2012 - Personality and the Strength and Direction of Part.pdf}
}

@article{gerberPersonalityStrengthDirection2012a,
  title = {Personality and the {{Strength}} and {{Direction}} of {{Partisan Identification}}},
  author = {Gerber, Alan S. and Huber, Gregory A. and Doherty, David and Dowling, Conor M.},
  date = {2012-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {34},
  number = {4},
  pages = {653--688},
  issn = {0190-9320, 1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-011-9178-5},
  url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-011-9178-5},
  urldate = {2024-03-20},
  abstract = {We examine the associations between personality traits and the strength and direction of partisan identification using a large national sample. We theorize that the relationships between Big Five personality traits and which party a person affiliates with should mirror those between the Big Five and ideology, which we find to be the case. This suggests that the associations between the Big Five and the direction of partisan identification are largely mediated by ideology. Our more novel finding is that personality traits substantially affect whether individuals affiliate with any party as well as the strength of those affiliations, effects that we theorize stem from affective and cognitive benefits of affiliation. In particular, we find that three personality traits (Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Openness) predict strength of partisan identification (p \textbackslash{} 0.05). This result holds even after controlling for ideology and a variety of issue positions. These findings contribute to our understanding of the psychological antecedents of partisan identification.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LC4NFKV2\Gerber et al. - 2012 - Personality and the Strength and Direction of Part.pdf}
}

@article{gerberPersonalityTraitsConsumption2011,
  title = {Personality {{Traits}} and the {{Consumption}} of {{Political Information}}},
  author = {Gerber, Alan S. and Huber, Gregory A. and Doherty, David and Dowling, Conor M.},
  date = {2011-01-01},
  journaltitle = {American Politics Research},
  volume = {39},
  number = {1},
  pages = {32--84},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1532-673X},
  doi = {10.1177/1532673X10381466},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X10381466},
  urldate = {2024-06-27},
  abstract = {In this article, we examine the relationship between dispositional personality traits (the Big Five) and the consumption of political information. We present detailed hypotheses about the characteristics of the political environment that are likely to affect the appeal of politics and political information in general for individuals with different personalities as well as hypotheses about how personality affects the attractiveness of particular sources of political information. We find that the Big Five traits are significant predictors of political interest and knowledge as well as consumption of different types of political media. Openness (the degree to which a person needs intellectual stimulation and variety) and Emotional Stability (characterized by low levels of anxiety) are associated with a broad range of engagement with political information and political knowledge. The other three Big Five traits, Conscientiousness, Agreeableness, and Extraversion, are associated only with consumption of specific types of political information.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\IH6I9LYI\Gerber et al. - 2011 - Personality Traits and the Consumption of Politica.pdf}
}

@article{germeijsIndecisivenessBigFive2011,
  title = {Indecisiveness and {{Big Five}} Personality Factors: {{Relationship}} and Specificity},
  shorttitle = {Indecisiveness and {{Big Five}} Personality Factors},
  author = {Germeijs, Veerle and Verschueren, Karine},
  date = {2011-05-01},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  shortjournal = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  series = {Special {{Issue}} on {{Anxiety}} (Dedicated to the Memory of {{Professor Blazej Szymura}})},
  volume = {50},
  number = {7},
  pages = {1023--1028},
  issn = {0191-8869},
  doi = {10.1016/j.paid.2011.01.017},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0191886911000237},
  urldate = {2024-08-02},
  abstract = {This study investigated the relationship of indecisiveness with the Big Five personality factors and the specificity of indecisiveness compared to the Big Five factors in the prediction of decisional problems. A sample of 543 adolescents was followed between the beginning and the end of Grade 12. Neuroticism turned out to be the strongest correlate of indecisiveness. Using cluster analysis on the Big Five factors three clusters were identified which resembled the overcontrolled, undercontrolled, and resilient clusters from previous research. The resilient cluster showed the lowest scores whereas the overcontrolled cluster showed the highest scores on indecisiveness. Finally, the effect of indecisiveness on decisional tasks remained significant after controlling for the Big Five factors, providing evidence for the specificity of indecisiveness.},
  keywords = {Big Five,Career decision,Indecisiveness},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LSJMBZUG\S0191886911000237.html}
}

@article{gigerSalienceBasedCongruenceParties2014,
  title = {Salience-{{Based Congruence Between Parties}} \& Their {{Voters}}: {{The Swiss Case}}},
  shorttitle = {Salience-{{Based Congruence Between Parties}} \& Their {{Voters}}},
  author = {Giger, Nathalie and Lefkofridi, Zoe},
  date = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Swiss Political Science Review},
  volume = {20},
  number = {2},
  pages = {287--304},
  issn = {1662-6370},
  doi = {10.1111/spsr.12069},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/spsr.12069},
  urldate = {2024-09-27},
  abstract = {Policy congruence between parties and their voters is a prerequisite for the latter's representation. Related research typically focuses on the left-right dimension. We contribute to this literature by conceiving the alignment between citizens and political elites as congruence on issues that individual citizens consider important (salience-based congruence). Furthermore, we approach salience from the citizen's perspective and measure it at the individual level. Based on data from the Swiss Election Study (2007), we demonstrate that the assessment of party representation changes once we take salience into account. Policy congruence on salient issues is high and niche parties perform better than mainstream parties. Our arguments and findings about the role personal issue salience plays at the individual and party levels have important repercussions for contemporary debates on representation and policy congruence.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Parties,Policy congruence,Political representation,Salience,Switzerland},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\9D66VVUJ\\Giger and Lefkofridi - 2014 - Salience-Based Congruence Between Parties & their .pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\DUVMRNIN\\spsr.html}
}

@article{gigerSalienceBasedCongruenceParties2014a,
  title = {Salience-{{Based Congruence Between Parties}} \& Their {{Voters}}: {{The Swiss Case}}},
  shorttitle = {Salience-{{Based Congruence Between Parties}} \& Their {{Voters}}},
  author = {Giger, Nathalie and Lefkofridi, Zoe},
  date = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Swiss Political Science Review},
  volume = {20},
  number = {2},
  pages = {287--304},
  issn = {1662-6370},
  doi = {10.1111/spsr.12069},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/spsr.12069},
  urldate = {2025-04-14},
  abstract = {Policy congruence between parties and their voters is a prerequisite for the latter's representation. Related research typically focuses on the left-right dimension. We contribute to this literature by conceiving the alignment between citizens and political elites as congruence on issues that individual citizens consider important (salience-based congruence). Furthermore, we approach salience from the citizen's perspective and measure it at the individual level. Based on data from the Swiss Election Study (2007), we demonstrate that the assessment of party representation changes once we take salience into account. Policy congruence on salient issues is high and niche parties perform better than mainstream parties. Our arguments and findings about the role personal issue salience plays at the individual and party levels have important repercussions for contemporary debates on representation and policy congruence.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Parties,Policy congruence,Political representation,Salience,Switzerland},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\S893HZP6\\Giger and Lefkofridi - 2014 - Salience-Based Congruence Between Parties & their Voters The Swiss Case.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\XBLWF67M\\spsr.html}
}

@article{gimpelPoliticalFitComponent2018,
  title = {Political {{Fit}} as a {{Component}} of {{Neighborhood Preference}} and {{Satisfaction}}},
  author = {Gimpel, James G. and Hui, Iris},
  date = {2018-09-01},
  journaltitle = {City \& Community},
  volume = {17},
  number = {3},
  pages = {883--905},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications},
  issn = {1535-6841},
  doi = {10.1111/cico.12320},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1111/cico.12320},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {We examine the role party identification plays in moderating people's perception of place. Do people rely on heuristics to gauge neighborhood partisan composition? If so, those estimates may influence their perception of fit and neighborhood satisfaction. We find that in the absence of concrete, detailed information, people make quick judgments. Republicans, compared to Democrats and non–partisans, are more likely to develop impressions based on the specific location characteristics presented here. When perceived to be a political minority in an area, people are less likely to feel that they belong. In addition to conventional economic and life–cycle factors, political perceptions also affect judgments about the suitability of prospective neighborhoods.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\QRH6KK7R\Gimpel and Hui - 2018 - Political Fit as a Component of Neighborhood Prefe.pdf}
}

@incollection{golderElectoralSystemsCitizenElite2018,
  title = {Electoral {{Systems}} and {{Citizen-Elite Ideological Congruence}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of {{Electoral Systems}}},
  author = {Golder, Matt and Ferland, Benjamin},
  editor = {Herron, Erik S. and Pekkanen, Robert J. and Shugart, Matthew S.},
  date = {2018-04-26},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190258658.013.11},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190258658.013.11},
  urldate = {2025-04-09},
  abstract = {Electoral rules play an important role in determining citizen-elite ideological congruence. This is because they influence each stage of the representation process as one moves from citizen preferences to policy outcomes. Electoral rules directly affect ideological congruence due to the way they shape citizen preferences and the composition of party systems, legislatures, and governments. Electoral rules can also have an indirect effect on ideological congruence through the incentives they create for elite responsiveness and their impact on descriptive representation. In addition to reviewing the existing literature, this chapter suggests new avenues for future research. In particular, it suggests that significant gains can be made by addressing ideological congruence and responsiveness in a unified theoretical framework and by having more interaction between scholars of ideological congruence and those interested in descriptive and substantive representation.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-025865-8},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\Z3X9SMJC\Golder and Ferland - 2018 - Electoral Systems and Citizen-Elite Ideological Congruence.pdf}
}

@article{golderIdeologicalCongruenceElectoral2010,
  title = {Ideological {{Congruence}} and {{Electoral Institutions}}},
  author = {Golder, Matt and Stramski, Jacek},
  date = {2010},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {54},
  number = {1},
  pages = {90--106},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00420.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2009.00420.x},
  urldate = {2025-04-09},
  abstract = {Although the literature examining the relationship between ideological congruence and electoral rules is quite large, relatively little attention has been paid to how congruence should be conceptualized. As we demonstrate, empirical results regarding ideological congruence can depend on exactly how scholars conceptualize and measure it. In addition to clarifying various aspects of how scholars currently conceptualize congruence, we introduce a new conceptualization and measure of congruence that captures a long tradition in democratic theory emphasizing the ideal of having a legislature that accurately reflects the preferences of the citizenry as a whole. Our new measure is the direct counterpart for congruence of the vote-seat disproportionality measures so heavily used in comparative studies of representation. Using particularly appropriate data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, we find that governments in proportional democracies are not substantively more congruent than those in majoritarian democracies. Proportional democracies are, however, characterized by more representative legislatures.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RZ2XEHCQ\Golder and Stramski - 2010 - Ideological Congruence and Electoral Institutions.pdf}
}

@article{goossenSuspicionWelfareOveruse2021,
  title = {Suspicion of {{Welfare Overuse}} in {{Sweden}}: {{The Role}} of {{Left}}–{{Right Ideology}}, {{Anti-Immigrant Attitudes}} and {{Gender}}},
  shorttitle = {Suspicion of {{Welfare Overuse}} in {{Sweden}}},
  author = {Goossen, Mikael and Johansson Sevä, Ingemar and Lundström, Ragnar},
  date = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  volume = {44},
  number = {2},
  pages = {115--139},
  issn = {1467-9477},
  doi = {10.1111/1467-9477.12190},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-9477.12190},
  urldate = {2025-11-21},
  abstract = {In this study, we explore individual differences in suspicion of welfare overuse in Sweden. Focusing on previously underdeveloped areas, we find that the hitherto observed negative relationship between political interest and suspicion of welfare overuse is only valid for those who sympathize with political parties to the left (and to a lesser extent the Green Party). Conversely, individuals who sympathize with centre-right parties or right-wing populists differ little internally depending on their level of political interest. We also find a strong positive correlation between anti-immigrant attitudes and suspicion about welfare overuse. Finally, we find that women are less suspicious of welfare overuse than men are, and that this cannot be attributed to gender differences in material risks or resources, education, experiences of welfare services, general trustfulness, anti-immigrant sentiment or political orientation. Neither do gender differences vary according to strength of gender identification. Thus, being suspicious about welfare overuse is not likely to be perceived as a typically masculine or feminine posture. Based on our findings, we argue that future studies exploring partisan or ideological differences in perceptions of welfare overuse need to consider these in conjunction with political interest and political context; that rising anti-immigrant sentiments pose a particularly serious threat to the legitimacy of welfare states, given their strong connectedness to suspicion of welfare overuse; and that gender differences in perceptions of welfare overuse are more fruitfully addressed through a lens of gender relations, rather than gender role stereotypes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\6U2ZSCY3\\Goossen et al. - 2021 - Suspicion of Welfare Overuse in Sweden The Role of Left–Right Ideology, Anti-Immigrant Attitudes an.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\3AFFU6UL\\1467-9477.html}
}

@article{gorenPoliticalExpertiseIssue1997,
  title = {Political {{Expertise}} and {{Issue Voting}} in {{Presidential Elections}}},
  author = {Goren, Paul},
  date = {1997},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\V9EUXKPE\Goren - Political Expertise and Issue Voting in Presidenti.pdf}
}

@article{goubinRoleEducationPolitical2025,
  title = {The {{Role}} of {{Education}} in {{Political Information Processing}} and {{Correct Voting}}: {{Inequality}} at the {{Voting Booth}}?},
  shorttitle = {The {{Role}} of {{Education}} in {{Political Information Processing}} and {{Correct Voting}}},
  author = {Goubin, Silke and Lau, Richard R. and Stiers, Dieter and Hooghe, Marc},
  date = {2025-01-11},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-024-09997-9},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-024-09997-9},
  urldate = {2025-04-28},
  abstract = {It has been well established that the effectiveness and quality of political representation is unequally distributed in Western democracies. Scholars have frequently warned about the rise of ‘diploma democracies’ and a ‘new gilded age’ in which political systems are skewed towards the interests of those with a higher socio-economic status. In this paper, we investigate one possible causal mechanism of this inequality: the greater ability of educated citizens to cast a ‘correct’ vote. If some citizens are not able to accurately identify the party or candidate that best represents their interests, electoral and political participation will not lead to full representation. On the basis of the American National Election Study and original experimental data, we provide evidence that citizens’ level of education has important repercussions for their capacity for correct voting. More educated voters have higher levels of political sophistication, and they are in turn more likely to cast a correct vote. As we find that both political sophistication and information processing capability help us to explain the effect of education on correct voting, we expect that this form of stratification will remain rather persistent.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Correct Voting,Education,Political Sophistication,Political Stratification,Voting Behavior},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8CALMTD7\Goubin et al. - 2025 - The Role of Education in Political Information Processing and Correct Voting Inequality at the Voti.pdf}
}

@incollection{grazianoAgreeablenessFiveFactor2017,
  title = {Agreeableness and the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Graziano, William G. and M. Tobin, Renée},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.17},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.17},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {Agreeableness is a summary label for individual differences in the motivation to maintain positive relations with others. Agreeableness is one of the major dimensions in the Big Five structural model of personality. It is also a major domain in the Five Factor Model of personality. This chapter provides an overview of the considerable body of research concerning the conceptualization, assessment, and etiology of Agreeableness with a focus on its six facets. It concludes with a discussion of alternative theoretical explanations for Agreeableness. In particular, an opponent process model that involves two competing motive systems is applied to the processes underlying Agreeableness.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\GE78CTWU\\Graziano and M. Tobin - 2017 - Agreeableness and the Five Factor Model.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\CMWSIZAB\\211682287.html}
}

@article{greenbergPsychologicalMotivesPolitical2003,
  title = {Psychological Motives and Political Orientation--{{The}} Left, the Right, and the Rigid: {{Comment}} on {{Jost}} et al. (2003)},
  shorttitle = {Psychological Motives and Political Orientation--{{The}} Left, the Right, and the Rigid},
  author = {Greenberg, Jeff and Jonas, Eva},
  date = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Bulletin},
  volume = {129},
  number = {3},
  pages = {376--382},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-1455},
  doi = {10.1037/0033-2909.129.3.376},
  abstract = {Presenting an impressive model based on a large body of evidence, J. T. Jost, J. Glaser, A.W. Kruglanski, and F. J. Sulloway (2003) proposed that political conservatism uniquely serves epistemic, existential, and ideological needs driven by fears and uncertainties. The authors offer an alternative view based on conceptual considerations, historical events, features of communist ideology and practice, and additional social science research not reviewed by Jost et al. (2003). First, the authors take issue with Jost et al.'s (2003) description of the two core components of political conservatism. Second, they propose that the motives in the model are equally well served by rigid adherence to any extreme ideology regardless of whether it is right wing or left wing. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Communism,Conservatism,Epistemology,Existentialism,History,Motivation,Personality Traits,Political Conservatism,Prediction,Psychological Needs,Rationalization (Defense Mechanism),Social Cognition},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\B8RIP5JX\Greenberg and Jonas - 2003 - Psychological motives and political orientation--The left, the right, and the rigid Comment on Jost.pdf}
}

@book{greenPartisanHeartsMinds2002,
  title = {Partisan {{Hearts}} and {{Minds}}: {{Political Parties}} and the {{Social Identities}} of {{Voters}}},
  shorttitle = {Partisan {{Hearts}} and {{Minds}}},
  author = {Green, Donald and Palmquist, Bradley and Schickler, Eric},
  date = {2002},
  eprint = {j.ctt1npp6m},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  publisher = {Yale University Press},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1npp6m},
  urldate = {2024-04-17},
  abstract = {In this, the first major treatment of party identification in twenty years, three political scientists assert that identification with political parties still powerfully determines how citizens look at politics and cast their ballots. Challenging prevailing views, they build a case for the continuing theoretical and political significance of partisan identities.The authors maintain that individuals form partisan attachments early in adulthood and that these political identities, much like religious identities, tend to persist or change only slowly over time. Scandals, recessions, and landslide elections do not greatly affect party identification; large shifts in party attachments occur only when the social imagery of a party changes, as when African Americans became part of the Democratic Party in the South after the passage of the Voting Rights Act. Drawing on a wealth of data analysis using individual-level and aggregate survey data from the United States and abroad, this study offers a new perspective on party identification that will set the terms of discussion for years to come.},
  isbn = {978-0-300-09215-8}
}

@article{groenendykAnxiousAmbivalentPartisan2016,
  title = {The {{Anxious}} and {{Ambivalent Partisan}}: {{The Effect}} of {{Incidental Anxiety}} on {{Partisan Motivated Recall}} and {{Ambivalence}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Anxious}} and {{Ambivalent Partisan}}},
  author = {Groenendyk, Eric},
  date = {2016-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {80},
  number = {2},
  pages = {460--479},
  issn = {0033-362X},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfv083},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfv083},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {Affective Intelligence Theory (AIT) asserts that anxiety reduces the effect of party identification on candidate preferences ( Marcus, Neuman, and MacKuen 2000 ), but recent studies have raised doubts about this causal claim. Rather than functioning as a moderator of party identification, perhaps anxiety has a direct effect on preferences, or perhaps the relationship is reversed and preferences drive emotions ( Ladd and Lenz 2008 ). Alternatively, Marcus et al.’s measure of anxiety may simply be capturing partisan ambivalence, so the posited relationship is spurious ( Lavine, Johnston, and Steenbergen 2012 ). This paper addresses each of these questions by examining the effect of experimentally induced emotions on the types of considerations that came to mind when a national sample of adult Americans was asked what they liked and disliked about Barack Obama. By directly manipulating anxiety, this experiment avoids the causal ambiguity plaguing this debate and ascertains the true nature of the relationship between anxiety and ambivalence. Consistent with AIT, anxiety led respondents to recall more contemporary considerations, whereas enthusiasm brought to mind more long-standing considerations. Because the political context at the time of the study (fall 2013 ) was a very tumultuous time for the Obama administration, the increased accessibility of contemporary considerations led Democratic participants to experience more ambivalence in the anxiety condition. This effect was concentrated among those Democrats who were exposed to the most newspaper coverage.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\TXJ99L9B\Groenendyk - 2016 - The Anxious and Ambivalent Partisan The Effect of.pdf}
}

@article{gvirsmanTestingOurQuasiStatistical2015,
  title = {Testing {{Our Quasi-Statistical Sense}}: {{News Use}}, {{Political Knowledge}}, and {{False Projection}}},
  shorttitle = {Testing {{Our Quasi-Statistical Sense}}},
  author = {Gvirsman, Shira Dvir},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {36},
  number = {6},
  pages = {729--747},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12203},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/pops.12203},
  urldate = {2025-03-11},
  abstract = {Although widely studied, previous research of projection in the context of public opinion did not incorporate the distinction between adequate and false projection developed in the cognitive studies: Adequate projection contributes to accurate perceptions of public opinion while false projection impairs it. The analysis presented in this study includes the above distinction, building on two case studies: (1) a dataset comprised of 25 surveys conducted over a period of 10 years (N = 11,313) and (2) a panel study of the 2013 Israeli general election. Relying on the assumptions of the Bayesian model, we tested if frequent news exposure and factual political knowledge reduce false projection. We found that false projection is a highly persistent psychological tendency with little variance. Although news exposure and political knowledge did contribute to a more accurate perception of public opinion, they did not reduce false projection. Conversely, knowledge increased false projection among moderates and had no effect in this respect among proponents of a more extreme ideology. These findings align better with the motivated reasoning model than with the Bayesian model.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {motivated reasoning,news exposure,political knowledge,projection,public opinion perception},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FNRQ2BN3\Gvirsman - 2015 - Testing Our Quasi-Statistical Sense News Use, Political Knowledge, and False Projection.pdf}
}

@article{hageviBlocIdentificationMultiParty2015,
  title = {Bloc {{Identification}} in {{Multi-Party Systems}}: {{The Case}} of the {{Swedish Two-Bloc System}}},
  shorttitle = {Bloc {{Identification}} in {{Multi-Party Systems}}},
  author = {Hagevi, Magnus},
  date = {2015-01-02},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {38},
  number = {1},
  pages = {73--92},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2014.911480},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2014.911480},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {It is argued that although the importance of party identification and social cleavages is declining, the bipolarity of the Swedish party system is sustained by voters’ identification with political blocs rather than with parties. Using data from the Swedish election of 2010, the article shows that voters’ bloc identification structures their voting behaviour and stabilises the party system. Four hypotheses are tested and supported. H1: Declining party identification has been replaced by bloc identification. H2: Voters with a strong bloc identification are often detached from a strong party identification, while almost all of the few voters with a strong party identification are also attached to a strong bloc identification. H3: Bloc identification has an effect on voting for parties belonging to one of the political blocs, even when party identification is controlled for. H4: Bloc identification has a small effect on electoral support for anti-establishment parties (such as the Sweden Democrats).}
}

@article{hageviBlocIdentificationMultiParty2015a,
  title = {Bloc {{Identification}} in {{Multi-Party Systems}}: {{The Case}} of the {{Swedish Two-Bloc System}}},
  shorttitle = {Bloc {{Identification}} in {{Multi-Party Systems}}},
  author = {Hagevi, Magnus},
  date = {2015-01-02},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  shortjournal = {West European Politics},
  volume = {38},
  number = {1},
  pages = {73--92},
  issn = {0140-2382, 1743-9655},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2014.911480},
  url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01402382.2014.911480},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NG4X76AU\Hagevi - 2015 - Bloc Identification in Multi-Party Systems The Ca.pdf}
}

@article{hageviBlocIdentificationMultiParty2015b,
  title = {Bloc {{Identification}} in {{Multi-Party Systems}}: {{The Case}} of the {{Swedish Two-Bloc System}}},
  shorttitle = {Bloc {{Identification}} in {{Multi-Party Systems}}},
  author = {Hagevi, Magnus},
  date = {2015-01-02},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {38},
  number = {1},
  pages = {73--92},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2014.911480},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2014.911480},
  urldate = {2025-11-12},
  abstract = {It is argued that although the importance of party identification and social cleavages is declining, the bipolarity of the Swedish party system is sustained by voters’ identification with political blocs rather than with parties. Using data from the Swedish election of 2010, the article shows that voters’ bloc identification structures their voting behaviour and stabilises the party system. Four hypotheses are tested and supported. H1: Declining party identification has been replaced by bloc identification. H2: Voters with a strong bloc identification are often detached from a strong party identification, while almost all of the few voters with a strong party identification are also attached to a strong bloc identification. H3: Bloc identification has an effect on voting for parties belonging to one of the political blocs, even when party identification is controlled for. H4: Bloc identification has a small effect on electoral support for anti-establishment parties (such as the Sweden Democrats).},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WF3JILSJ\Hagevi - 2015 - Bloc Identification in Multi-Party Systems The Case of the Swedish Two-Bloc System.pdf}
}

@book{hallSwedishAdministrativeModel2016,
  title = {The {{Swedish Administrative Model}}},
  author = {Hall, Patrik},
  editor = {Pierre, Jon},
  date = {2016-06-02},
  volume = {1},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.17},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/34477/chapter/292535903},
  urldate = {2024-03-13},
  abstract = {This chapter discusses four features which together form the backbone of what is called the Swedish administrative model. These four features are the “dualism” (i.e. the relatively high degree of autonomy that Swedish state agencies enjoy in relation to the government), openness, decentralization, and corporatism. Each feature’s historical and constitutional foundation is discussed, as well as various tensions surrounding them. It is argued that the oldest features (the dualism and the openness) are still highly institutionalized while the younger ones (decentralization and corporatism) have weakened in recent decades. However, it is also argued that administrative practices linked to the dualism and the openness have changed quite rapidly in recent decades, giving these features the appearance of façades. In other words, government “talk” remains intact while actual government changes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GYKYWYTE\Hall - 2016 - The Swedish Administrative Model.pdf}
}

@article{haPersonalityTraitsCorrect2015,
  title = {Personality {{Traits}} and {{Correct Voting}}},
  author = {Ha, Shang E. and Lau, Richard R.},
  date = {2015-11-01},
  journaltitle = {American Politics Research},
  volume = {43},
  number = {6},
  pages = {975--998},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1532-673X},
  doi = {10.1177/1532673X14568551},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X14568551},
  urldate = {2024-08-13},
  abstract = {Recent studies in political psychology report a significant association between personality traits and ordinary citizens’ attitudes and behaviors in the political arena. A growing body of literature examines the influence of personality on individuals’ attachment to a political party and vote choice in electoral settings. In line with these studies, we analyze the relationship between personality traits and “correct voting”, i.e., the extent to which citizens vote in accordance with their own preferences and values. Using a large-scale national survey fielded in the context of the 2008 presidential election, we find that, after controlling for well-known predictors of correct voting, some of personality traits not only exert a direct influence on correct voting, but also moderate the effect of strength of party identification, a well-established determinant of correct voting. These findings provide new evidence for the idea that individual differences such as dispositional personality traits are deeply intertwined with both vote choice and democratic representation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BFEDF49B\Ha and Lau - 2015 - Personality Traits and Correct Voting.pdf}
}

@article{hardenGeneticDeterminismEssentialism2023,
  title = {Genetic Determinism, Essentialism and Reductionism: Semantic Clarity for Contested Science},
  shorttitle = {Genetic Determinism, Essentialism and Reductionism},
  author = {Harden, K. Paige},
  date = {2023-03},
  journaltitle = {Nature Reviews Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Nat Rev Genet},
  volume = {24},
  number = {3},
  pages = {197--204},
  publisher = {Nature Publishing Group},
  issn = {1471-0064},
  doi = {10.1038/s41576-022-00537-x},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41576-022-00537-x},
  urldate = {2025-06-11},
  abstract = {Research linking genetic differences with human social and behavioural phenotypes has long been controversial. Frequently, debates about the ethical, social and legal implications of this area of research centre on questions about whether studies overtly or covertly perpetuate genetic determinism, genetic essentialism and/or genetic reductionism. Given the prominent role of the ‘-isms’ in scientific discourse and criticism, it is important for there to be consensus and clarity about the meaning of these terms. Here, the author integrates scholarship from psychology, genetics and philosophy of science to provide accessible definitions of genetic determinism, genetic reductionism and genetic essentialism. The author provides linguistic and visual examples of determinism, reductionism and essentialism in science and popular culture, discusses common misconceptions and concludes with recommendations for science communication.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Behavioural genetics,Ethics,Genome-wide association studies},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZG5FBFFV\Harden - 2023 - Genetic determinism, essentialism and reductionism semantic clarity for contested science.pdf}
}

@article{harrisPreregisteredReplicationFeeling2021,
  title = {Preregistered {{Replication}} of “{{Feeling Superior Is}} a {{Bipartisan Issue}}: {{Extremity}} ({{Not Direction}}) of {{Political Views Predicts Perceived Belief Superiority}}”},
  shorttitle = {Preregistered {{Replication}} of “{{Feeling Superior Is}} a {{Bipartisan Issue}}},
  author = {Harris, Elizabeth A. and Van Bavel, Jay J.},
  date = {2021-03-01},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Psychol Sci},
  volume = {32},
  number = {3},
  pages = {451--458},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0956-7976},
  doi = {10.1177/0956797620968792},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797620968792},
  urldate = {2025-05-13},
  abstract = {There is currently a debate in political psychology about whether dogmatism and belief superiority are symmetric or asymmetric across the ideological spectrum. Toner, Leary, Asher, and Jongman-Sereno (2013) found that dogmatism was higher among conservatives than liberals, but both conservatives and liberals with extreme attitudes reported higher perceived superiority of beliefs. In the current study, we conducted a preregistered direct and conceptual replication of this previous research using a large nationally representative sample. Consistent with Toner et al.’s findings, our results showed that conservatives had higher dogmatism scores than liberals, whereas both conservative and liberal extreme attitudes were associated with higher belief superiority compared with more moderate attitudes. As in their study, we also found that whether conservative or liberal attitudes were associated with higher belief superiority was topic dependent. Contrasting Toner et al.’s findings, our results also showed that ideologically extreme individuals had higher dogmatism. We discuss implications of these results for theoretical debates in political psychology.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\AA3SJGNW\Harris and Van Bavel - 2021 - Preregistered Replication of “Feeling Superior Is a Bipartisan Issue Extremity (Not Direction) of P.pdf}
}

@article{harteveldAdaptingPartyLines2017,
  title = {Adapting to Party Lines: The Effect of Party Affiliation on Attitudes to Immigration},
  shorttitle = {Adapting to Party Lines},
  author = {Harteveld, Eelco and Kokkonen, Andrej and Dahlberg, Stefan},
  date = {2017-11-02},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {40},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1177--1197},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2017.1328889},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2017.1328889},
  urldate = {2024-11-05},
  abstract = {Public opinion on immigration is increasingly relevant for political behaviour. However, little is known about the way in which citizens’ political allegiances in turn shape their attitudes to immigration. Abundant existing evidence suggests that voters often take cues from the parties they support. Using panel data from the Netherlands and Sweden, this article investigates the dynamic relation between attitudes to immigration and party preferences. The longitudinal nature of the data allows for making stronger claims about causal mechanisms than previous cross-sectional studies. The analysis shows that voters who change their preference to the Radical Right become stricter on immigration, whereas voters changing to the Greens become less strict on immigration over time. This confirms that citizens’ support for anti- and pro-immigration parties results in a ‘radicalisation’ of their views on immigration along party lines. A similar ‘spiral’ of radicalisation can be found around the issue of European integration.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\QQH66XDK\Harteveld et al. - 2017 - Adapting to party lines the effect of party affil.pdf}
}

@article{hatemiGeneticInfluencesPolitical2014,
  title = {Genetic {{Influences}} on {{Political Ideologies}}: {{Twin Analyses}} of 19 {{Measures}} of {{Political Ideologies}} from {{Five Democracies}} and {{Genome-Wide Findings}} from {{Three Populations}}},
  shorttitle = {Genetic {{Influences}} on {{Political Ideologies}}},
  author = {Hatemi, Peter K. and Medland, Sarah E. and Klemmensen, Robert and Oskarsson, Sven and Littvay, Levente and Dawes, Christopher T. and Verhulst, Brad and McDermott, Rose and Nørgaard, Asbjørn Sonne and Klofstad, Casey A. and Christensen, Kaare and Johannesson, Magnus and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Eaves, Lindon J. and Martin, Nicholas G.},
  date = {2014-05},
  journaltitle = {Behavior Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Behav Genet},
  volume = {44},
  number = {3},
  pages = {282--294},
  issn = {0001-8244, 1573-3297},
  doi = {10.1007/s10519-014-9648-8},
  url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s10519-014-9648-8},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\UJ3GTAUR\Hatemi et al. - 2014 - Genetic Influences on Political Ideologies Twin A.pdf}
}

@article{hatemiGeneticInfluencesPolitical2014a,
  title = {Genetic Influences on Political Ideologies: Twin Analyses of 19 Measures of Political Ideologies from Five Democracies and Genome-Wide Findings from Three Populations},
  shorttitle = {Genetic Influences on Political Ideologies},
  author = {Hatemi, Peter K. and Medland, Sarah E. and Klemmensen, Robert and Oskarsson, Sven and Littvay, Levente and Dawes, Christopher T. and Verhulst, Brad and McDermott, Rose and Nørgaard, Asbjørn Sonne and Klofstad, Casey A. and Christensen, Kaare and Johannesson, Magnus and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Eaves, Lindon J. and Martin, Nicholas G.},
  date = {2014-05},
  journaltitle = {Behavior Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Behav Genet},
  volume = {44},
  number = {3},
  eprint = {24569950},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {282--294},
  issn = {1573-3297},
  doi = {10.1007/s10519-014-9648-8},
  abstract = {Almost 40 years ago, evidence from large studies of adult twins and their relatives suggested that between 30 and 60\% of the variance in social and political attitudes could be explained by genetic influences. However, these findings have not been widely accepted or incorporated into the dominant paradigms that explain the etiology of political ideology. This has been attributed in part to measurement and sample limitations, as well the relative absence of molecular genetic studies. Here we present results from original analyses of a combined sample of over 12,000 twins pairs, ascertained from nine different studies conducted in five democracies, sampled over the course of four decades. We provide evidence that genetic factors play a role in the formation of political ideology, regardless of how ideology is measured, the era, or the population sampled. The only exception is a question that explicitly uses the phrase "Left-Right". We then present results from one of the first genome-wide association studies on political ideology using data from three samples: a 1990 Australian sample involving 6,894 individuals from 3,516 families; a 2008 Australian sample of 1,160 related individuals from 635 families and a 2010 Swedish sample involving 3,334 individuals from 2,607 families. No polymorphisms reached genome-wide significance in the meta-analysis. The combined evidence suggests that political ideology constitutes a fundamental aspect of one's genetically informed psychological disposition, but as Fisher proposed long ago, genetic influences on complex traits will be composed of thousands of markers of very small effects and it will require extremely large samples to have enough power in order to identify specific polymorphisms related to complex social traits.},
  langid = {english},
  pmcid = {PMC4038932},
  keywords = {Genome-Wide Association Study,Humans,Personality,Politics},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\T8NKMB2P\Hatemi et al. - 2014 - Genetic influences on political ideologies twin a.pdf}
}

@article{hatemiInfluenceMajorLife2013,
  title = {The {{Influence}} of {{Major Life Events}} on {{Economic Attitudes}} in a {{World}} of {{Gene}}‐{{Environment Interplay}}},
  author = {Hatemi, Peter K.},
  date = {2013-10},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  shortjournal = {American J Political Sci},
  volume = {57},
  number = {4},
  pages = {987--1007},
  issn = {0092-5853, 1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12037},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ajps.12037},
  urldate = {2024-03-11},
  abstract = {The role of “genes” on political attitudes has gained attention across disciplines. However, person‐specific experiences have yet to be incorporated into models that consider genetic influences. Relying on a gene‐environment interplay approach, this study explicates how life events, such as losing one's job or suffering a financial loss, influence economic policy attitudes. The results indicate genetic and environmental variance on support for unions, immigration, capitalism, socialism, and property tax is moderated by financial risks. Changes in the magnitude of genetic influences, however, are temporary. After two years, the phenotypic effects of the life events remain on most attitudes, but changes in the sources of individual differences do not. Univariate twin models that estimate the independent contributions of genes and environment on the variation of attitudes appear to provide robust baseline indicators of the sources of individual differences. These estimates, however, are not event or day specific. In this way, genetic influences add stability, while environment cues change, and this process is continually updated.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BIBK4H2L\Hatemi - 2013 - The Influence of Major Life Events on Economic Att.pdf}
}

@article{hatemiNotTwinsAlone2010,
  title = {Not by {{Twins Alone}}: {{Using}} the {{Extended Family Design}} to {{Investigate Genetic Influence}} on {{Political Beliefs}}},
  shorttitle = {Not by {{Twins Alone}}},
  author = {Hatemi, Peter K. and Hibbing, John R. and Medland, Sarah E. and Keller, Matthew C. and Alford, John R. and Smith, Kevin B. and Martin, Nicholas G. and Eaves, Lindon J.},
  date = {2010},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {54},
  number = {3},
  eprint = {27821953},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {798--814},
  publisher = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/27821953},
  urldate = {2024-06-05},
  abstract = {Variance components estimates of political and social attitudes suggest a substantial level of genetic influence, but the results have been challenged because they rely on data from twins only. In this analysis, we include responses from parents and nontwin full siblings of twins, account for measurement error by using a panel design, and estimate genetic and environmental variance by maximum-likelihood structural equation modeling. By doing so, we address the central concerns of critics, including that the twin-only design offers no verification of either the equal environments or random mating assumptions. Moving beyond the twin-only design leads to the conclusion that for most political and social attitudes, genetic influences account for an even greater proportion of individual differences than reported by studies using more limited data and more elementary estimation techniques. These findings make it increasingly difficult to deny that—however indirectly—genetics plays a role in the formation of political and social attitudes.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\PHW6PX73\Hatemi et al. - 2010 - Not by Twins Alone Using the Extended Family Desi.pdf}
}

@article{hatemiPoliticalAttitudesDevelop2015,
  title = {Political {{Attitudes Develop Independently}} of {{Personality Traits}}},
  author = {Hatemi, Peter K. and Verhulst, Brad},
  date = {2015-03-03},
  journaltitle = {PLOS ONE},
  shortjournal = {PLOS ONE},
  volume = {10},
  number = {3},
  pages = {e0118106},
  publisher = {Public Library of Science},
  issn = {1932-6203},
  doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0118106},
  url = {https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0118106},
  urldate = {2024-06-13},
  abstract = {The primary assumption within the recent personality and political orientations literature is that personality traits cause people to develop political attitudes. In contrast, research relying on traditional psychological and developmental theories suggests the relationship between most personality dimensions and political orientations are either not significant or weak. Research from behavioral genetics suggests the covariance between personality and political preferences is not causal, but due to a common, latent genetic factor that mutually influences both. The contradictory assumptions and findings from these research streams have yet to be resolved. This is in part due to the reliance on cross-sectional data and the lack of longitudinal genetically informative data. Here, using two independent longitudinal genetically informative samples, we examine the joint development of personality traits and attitude dimensions to explore the underlying causal mechanisms that drive the relationship between these features and provide a first step in resolving the causal question. We find change in personality over a ten-year period does not predict change in political attitudes, which does not support a causal relationship between personality traits and political attitudes as is frequently assumed. Rather, political attitudes are often more stable than the key personality traits assumed to be predicting them. Finally, the results from our genetic models find that no additional variance is accounted for by the causal pathway from personality traits to political attitudes. Our findings remain consistent with the original construction of the five-factor model of personality and developmental theories on attitude formation, but challenge recent work in this area.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Adolescents,Adults,Genetics,Personality,Personality tests,Personality traits,Psychological attitudes,Religion},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5IDD29LI\Hatemi and Verhulst - 2015 - Political Attitudes Develop Independently of Perso.pdf}
}

@article{hatemiTherePartyYour2009,
  title = {Is {{There}} a “{{Party}}” in {{Your Genes}}?},
  author = {Hatemi, Peter K. and Alford, John R. and Hibbing, John R. and Martin, Nicholas G. and Eaves, Lindon J.},
  date = {2009-09-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
  volume = {62},
  number = {3},
  pages = {584--600},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1065-9129},
  doi = {10.1177/1065912908327606},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912908327606},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Utilizing quantitative genetic models, the authors examine the sources of party identification and the intensity of that identification. The results indicate genes exert little, if any, influence on party identification, directly or indirectly through covariates. However, we find that genes appear to play a pivotal role in shaping the strength of an individual’s party identification. Together with recent examinations of political attitudes and vote choice, these findings begin to provide a more complete picture of the source of partisanship and the complex nature of the political phenotype.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8F6YMXMS\Hatemi et al. - 2009 - Is There a “Party” in Your Genes.pdf}
}

@article{hatemVitalCentreMiddle,
  title = {The {{Vital Centre}}, the {{Middle}} of {{Nowhere}}, or {{Something In-Between}}: {{A Study}} of {{Political Centrism}} in {{Western Democracies}}},
  author = {Hatem, Daniel},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RBLMB6W9\Hatem - The Vital Centre, the Middle of Nowhere, or Someth.pdf}
}

@book{heathUnderstandingPoliticalChange1991,
  title = {Understanding {{Political Change}}: {{The British Voter}} 1964-1987},
  shorttitle = {Understanding {{Political Change}}},
  author = {Heath, Anthony},
  date = {1991},
  eprint = {XeddBgAAQBAJ},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  abstract = {The central concern of Understanding Political Change is to explore the social and political sources of electoral change in Britain. From the Labour successes of the 1960s through the reemergence of the Liberals as a national force in 1974 and the rise and fall of the SDP to the potential emergence of the Green Party in the 1990s, Dr Heath and his collaborators chart the continually changing mould of British politics. Questions of the greater volatility of a more sophisticated electorate, of new cleavages in society replacing those based on social class, of the Conservative government's deliberate and inadvertent interventions to shape the emerging social structure, and of the influence which the political parties have been able to exert on public attitudes are all addressed with reference to data from the election surveys carried out after each general election since 1964.},
  isbn = {978-1-4832-8709-6},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {349},
  keywords = {Juvenile Nonfiction / Social Science / General,Political Science / General,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections,Political Science / Political Process / General,Social Science / Sociology / General}
}

@incollection{heineChapterThreeEssentially2017,
  title = {Chapter {{Three}} - {{Essentially Biased}}: {{Why People Are Fatalistic About Genes}}},
  shorttitle = {Chapter {{Three}} - {{Essentially Biased}}},
  booktitle = {Advances in {{Experimental Social Psychology}}},
  author = {Heine, S. J. and Dar-Nimrod, I. and Cheung, B. Y. and Proulx, T.},
  editor = {Olson, James M.},
  date = {2017-01-01},
  volume = {55},
  pages = {137--192},
  publisher = {Academic Press},
  doi = {10.1016/bs.aesp.2016.10.003},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S006526011630034X},
  urldate = {2025-10-06},
  abstract = {We propose that people are genetic essentialists—that is, they tend to think of genetic attributions as being immutable, of a specific etiology, natural, and dividing people into homogenous and discrete groups. Although there are rare conditions where genes operate in these kinds of deterministic ways, people overgeneralize from these to the far more common conditions where genes are not at all deterministic. These essentialist biases are associated with some harmful outcomes such as racism, sexism, pessimism in the face of illnesses, political polarization, and support for eugenics, while at the same time they are linked with increased tolerance and sympathy for gay rights, mental illness, and less severe judgments of responsibility for crime. We will also discuss how these essentialist biases connect with the burgeoning direct-to-consumer genomics industry and various kinds of genetic engineering. Overall, these biases appear rather resistant to efforts to reduce them, although genetics literacy predicts weaker essentialist tendencies.},
  keywords = {Essentialism,Eugenics,Genetics,Genomics,Prejudice health,Reasoning biases,Sexual orientation},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\G6P2JC9X\\Heine et al. - 2017 - Chapter Three - Essentially Biased Why People Are Fatalistic About Genes.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\F2MII6B3\\S006526011630034X.html}
}

@article{hellandPartisanBiasElectoral2015,
  title = {Partisan Bias, Electoral Volatility, and Government Efficiency},
  author = {Helland, Leif and Sørensen, Rune J.},
  date = {2015-09-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {39},
  pages = {117--128},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2015.05.002},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379415001031},
  urldate = {2024-11-13},
  abstract = {Electoral agency models suggest that government efficiency improves when voters penalize poor performance, and party competition is balanced. Uncertainty in the electoral mechanism dilutes the incentive to produce efficiently. We test this proposition using panel data on local governments. The dataset includes a broad set of indicators on service output and quality, which facilitates the measurement of cost efficiency. We use historical data on local voting in national elections to measure partisan bias, while electoral volatility is measured on past variations in neighboring municipalities. The empirical analyses show that partisan bias lowers cost efficiency, particularly in municipalities with large electoral volatility.},
  keywords = {Local government efficiency,Party competition,Voter behavior},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\AH683BKY\\Helland and Sørensen - 2015 - Partisan bias, electoral volatility, and governmen.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\PGBXR3SS\\S0261379415001031.html}
}

@article{hielRelationshipNeedClosure2003,
  title = {The {{Relationship Between Need}} for {{Closure}} and {{Conservative Beliefs}} in {{Western}} and {{Eastern Europe}}},
  author = {Hiel, Alain Van},
  date = {2003-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  doi = {10.1111/0162-895X.00338},
  url = {https://www.academia.edu/91050345/The_Relationship_Between_Need_for_Closure_and_Conservative_Beliefs_in_Western_and_Eastern_Europe},
  urldate = {2025-05-12},
  abstract = {This work explored the hypothesis that need for closure is associated with the adoption of conservative ideology. Two different studies on eastern and western European samples (Polish and Flemish) supported the hypothesis that need for closure-as}
}

@article{hightonIssueAccountabilityUS2019,
  title = {Issue {{Accountability}} in {{U}}.{{S}}. {{House Elections}}},
  author = {Highton, Benjamin},
  date = {2019-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {41},
  number = {2},
  pages = {349--367},
  publisher = {Springer US},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-018-9454-8},
  url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11109-018-9454-8},
  urldate = {2025-06-21},
  abstract = {This paper analyzes the positions Members of Congress take on important aspects of public policy, voters’ preferences on those issues, and individual-level voting behavior in congressional elections. Minimal evidence of issue accountability is found, and its form is different from that reported in previous research. The central implication is that representatives appear to have a good deal of discretion to take positions—at least with respect to voters—without paying an electoral penalty. The “electoral blind spot” (Bawn et al. Perspect Polit 10(3):571–597, 2012) in congressional elections may be substantial.},
  issue = {2},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HPCQJL4S\Highton - 2019 - Issue Accountability in U.S. House Elections.pdf}
}

@article{hixEffectsDistrictMagnitude2017,
  title = {The {{Effects}} of {{District Magnitude}} on {{Voting Behavior}}},
  author = {Hix, Simon and Hortala-Vallve, Rafael and Riambau-Armet, Guillem},
  date = {2017-01},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {79},
  number = {1},
  pages = {356--361},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.1086/688889},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1086/688889},
  urldate = {2025-03-10},
  abstract = {Is there more sincere voting in multi-member districts than in single-member districts? Existing research on this question is inconclusive, at least in part because it is difficult with observational data to isolate the effect of district magnitude on voting behavior independently from voters’ preferences or the number of parties. Hence, we investigate this issue in a laboratory experiment, where we vary district magnitude while keeping the distribution of voters’ preferences and the number of parties constant. We find that voting for the preferred party (sincere voting) increases with district magnitude. This is consistent with existing findings from observational data. We also discover a surprising result: a high incidence of “frontrunner” voting, which cannot be easily explained by existing research.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RJ2LY4WW\Hix et al. - 2017 - The Effects of District Magnitude on Voting Behavior.pdf}
}

@article{hobbsMajorLifeEvents2019,
  title = {Major {{Life Events}} and the {{Age-Partisan Stability Association}}},
  author = {Hobbs, William R.},
  date = {2019-09-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {41},
  number = {3},
  pages = {791--814},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-018-9472-6},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-018-9472-6},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Stable partisanship in the United States is often attributed to attachments to political parties that become slowly and incrementally stronger with age. Here, I show that switches in partisan identification can happen quickly after major life transitions even in old age and that this pattern of party-switching can explain a surprisingly large fraction of the age-partisan stability association. Using voter registration information over 8 years for more than 20 million voters in California, in combination with American National Election Studies panel surveys, I measure how many individuals switch party affiliation when they move to new homes, switch when separating from a partner, and become less likely to switch after retirement. In both ANES and voter record analyses, accounting for residential mobility alone reduces the association between age and party-switching by 50\% or more. The combined findings demonstrate that socially crystallized lives help drive steady partisanship in adulthood and suggest that continuity in day-to-day life could maintain partisan identity at 30 years old almost as much as it does at 60.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Life events,Partisanship,Socialization},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\U7KHIUPL\Hobbs - 2019 - Major Life Events and the Age-Partisan Stability A.pdf}
}

@article{hoboltVotersCoalitionGovernments2010,
  title = {Voters and Coalition Governments},
  author = {Hobolt, Sara B. and Karp, Jeffrey A.},
  date = {2010-09-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  series = {Special {{Symposium}}: {{Voters}} and {{Coalition Governments}}},
  volume = {29},
  number = {3},
  pages = {299--307},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2010.03.010},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379410000223},
  urldate = {2024-09-11},
  abstract = {Coalition governments are the norm in parliamentary democracies. Yet, despite the predominance of this type of government, political scientists have only recently started to investigate how voters approach elections when a coalition government is the likely outcome. Such elections present additional uncertainty and complexity for voters compared with elections in plurality systems, where party choice translates more directly into a choice of government. These factors have lead to the assumption that strategic voting is unlikely to occur in systems that produce coalition governments. In this introductory article to the special issue on Voters and Coalition Governments, we consider whether voters have the capacity to anticipate specific coalition outcomes and propose a framework for understanding the conditions that lead to strategic voting in both plurality and proportional systems.},
  keywords = {Coalition governments,Electoral systems,Prospective voting,Retrospective voting,Sincere voting,Strategic voting}
}

@article{hoggUncertaintyExtremismSocial2014,
  title = {From {{Uncertainty}} to {{Extremism}}: {{Social Categorization}} and {{Identity Processes}}},
  shorttitle = {From {{Uncertainty}} to {{Extremism}}},
  author = {Hogg, Michael A.},
  date = {2014-10-01},
  journaltitle = {Current Directions in Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Curr Dir Psychol Sci},
  volume = {23},
  number = {5},
  pages = {338--342},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0963-7214},
  doi = {10.1177/0963721414540168},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721414540168},
  urldate = {2024-08-27},
  abstract = {Societal change and personal life events sometimes make one feel uncertain about one’s self and identity. According to uncertainty-identity theory, this self-uncertainty can motivate people to identify with social groups, particularly groups that provide a distinctive and clearly defined identity and associated normative beliefs and behavioral prescriptions. This process can make more extreme groups and behaviors attractive as a source of identification-contingent uncertainty reduction. People may zealously identify with highly distinctive groups that have strong and directive leadership and ideological and ethnocentric belief systems that proscribe dissent and prescribe group-normative behavior. This analysis has been extended to help illuminate how extremism may emerge in the context of religion, politics, gangs, leadership, and adolescent risk taking. This article describes uncertainty-identity theory, overviews empirical support for its main tenets, and outlines some directions for future research.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\F2UGA2EY\Hogg - 2014 - From Uncertainty to Extremism Social Categorizati.pdf}
}

@article{hoggUncertaintyRootsExtremism2013,
  title = {Uncertainty and the {{Roots}} of {{Extremism}}},
  author = {Hogg, Michael A. and Kruglanski, Arie and family=Bos, given=Kees, prefix=van den, useprefix=true},
  date = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Social Issues},
  volume = {69},
  number = {3},
  pages = {407--418},
  issn = {1540-4560},
  doi = {10.1111/josi.12021},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/josi.12021},
  urldate = {2024-08-06},
  abstract = {Extremism in society is the source of enormous human suffering and represents a significant social problem. In this article, we make a case for the urgency of understanding the psychology of societal extremism, discuss the diverse forms that extremism can take, and identify uncertainty as a correlate of and quite possibly precondition for extremism. We discuss the concept of uncertainty and the burgeoning social psychological research on uncertainty and its links with various forms of extremism. Thus, this article frames and contextualizes the subsequent articles in this issue of the Journal of Social Issues, on the psychology of the relationship, and possible causal link, between uncertainty and societal extremism.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3B64YDV9\Hogg et al. - 2013 - Uncertainty and the Roots of Extremism.pdf}
}

@article{hohmanIdentityIntergroupLeadership2010,
  title = {Identity and {{Intergroup Leadership}}: {{Asymmetrical Political}} and {{National Identification}} in {{Response}} to {{Uncertainty}}},
  shorttitle = {Identity and {{Intergroup Leadership}}},
  author = {Hohman, Zachary P. and Hogg, Michael A. and Bligh, Michelle C.},
  date = {2010-04},
  journaltitle = {Self and Identity},
  shortjournal = {Self and Identity},
  volume = {9},
  number = {2},
  pages = {113--128},
  issn = {1529-8868, 1529-8876},
  doi = {10.1080/15298860802605937},
  url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15298860802605937},
  urldate = {2024-04-05},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5R7T477F\Hohman et al. - 2010 - Identity and Intergroup Leadership Asymmetrical P.pdf}
}

@article{hohneMeasurementPropertiesCompletely2021,
  title = {Measurement Properties of Completely and End Labeled Unipolar and Bipolar Scales in {{Likert-type}} Questions on Income (in)Equality},
  author = {Höhne, Jan Karem and Krebs, Dagmar and Kühnel, Steffen-M.},
  date = {2021-07-01},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Research},
  shortjournal = {Social Science Research},
  volume = {97},
  pages = {102544},
  issn = {0049-089X},
  doi = {10.1016/j.ssresearch.2021.102544},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0049089X21000211},
  urldate = {2025-03-11},
  abstract = {The measurement of respondents' attitudes is key in social science research and many adjacent research fields. A common method to measure this information is to use Likert-type questions that consist of a statement that is evaluated with a rating scale. As shown by previous research, the scale design of Likert-type questions can have a profound impact on respondents’ answer behavior. In this study, we therefore investigate the measurement properties of scales that systematically vary with respect to polarity (i.e., unipolar and bipolar) and labeling (i.e., completely and end). We conducted a survey experiment in a probability-based online panel (N~=~4851) and used questions on income (in)equality that were adopted from the European Social Survey (ESS). The results reveal considerable differences between the scales under investigation. They show that end labeled unipolar and bipolar scales accomplish the criteria of equidistance best. Completely labeled bipolar scales, in contrast, only show a poor performance in terms of equidistance. Completely labeled unipolar scales are somewhere in between. Overall, our findings suggest that researchers should be careful when using survey data measured with (slightly) different scales because the results might not be comparable.},
  keywords = {Latent thresholds,Likert-type questions,Measurement invariance,Online survey,Rating scale design},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\9RWAUPNH\S0049089X21000211.html}
}

@article{hohneMeasurementPropertiesCompletely2021a,
  title = {Measurement Properties of Completely and End Labeled Unipolar and Bipolar Scales in {{Likert-type}} Questions on Income (in)Equality},
  author = {Höhne, Jan Karem and Krebs, Dagmar and Kühnel, Steffen-M.},
  date = {2021-07},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Research},
  shortjournal = {Social Science Research},
  volume = {97},
  pages = {102544},
  issn = {0049089X},
  doi = {10.1016/j.ssresearch.2021.102544},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0049089X21000211},
  urldate = {2025-05-12},
  abstract = {The measurement of respondents’ attitudes is key in social science research and many adjacent research fields. A common method to measure this information is to use Likert-type questions that consist of a statement that is evaluated with a rating scale. As shown by previous research, the scale design of Likert-type questions can have a profound impact on respondents’ answer behavior. In this study, we therefore investigate the measurement properties of scales that systematically vary with respect to polarity (i.e., unipolar and bipolar) and labeling (i.e., completely and end). We conducted a survey experiment in a probability-based online panel (N = 4851) and used questions on income (in)equality that were adopted from the European Social Survey (ESS). The results reveal considerable differences between the scales under investigation. They show that end labeled unipolar and bipolar scales accomplish the criteria of equidistance best. Completely labeled bipolar scales, in contrast, only show a poor performance in terms of equidistance. Completely labeled unipolar scales are somewhere in between. Overall, our findings suggest that researchers should be careful when using survey data measured with (slightly) different scales because the results might not be comparable.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\U99YUKAI\Höhne et al. - 2021 - Measurement properties of completely and end labeled unipolar and bipolar scales in Likert-type ques.pdf}
}

@article{hoogheReliabilityValidity20022010,
  title = {Reliability and Validity of the 2002 and 2006 {{Chapel Hill}} Expert Surveys on Party Positioning},
  author = {Hooghe, Liesbet and Bakker, Ryan and Brigevich, Anna and De Vries, Catherine and Edwards, Erica and Marks, Gary and Rovny, Jan and Steenbergen, Marco and Vachudova, Milada},
  date = {2010},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {49},
  number = {5},
  pages = {687--703},
  issn = {1475-6765},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.01912.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2009.01912.x},
  urldate = {2024-11-22},
  abstract = {This research note reports on the 2002 and 2006 Chapel Hill expert surveys (CHES), which measure national party positioning on European integration, ideology, and several European Union (EU) and non-EU policies. The reliability of expert judgments is examined and the CHES data are cross-validated with data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, the 2003 Benoit-Laver expert survey and the 2002 Rohrschneider-Whitefield survey. The dataset is available on the CHES website.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LEFWAU5G\Hooghe et al. - 2010 - Reliability and validity of the 2002 and 2006 Chap.pdf}
}

@article{hoogheReluctantVotersVote2017,
  title = {Do Reluctant Voters Vote Less Accurately? {{The}} Effect of Compulsory Voting on Party–Voter Congruence in {{Australia}} and {{Belgium}}},
  shorttitle = {Do Reluctant Voters Vote Less Accurately?},
  author = {Hooghe, Marc and Stiers, Dieter},
  date = {2017-01-02},
  journaltitle = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {52},
  number = {1},
  pages = {75--94},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1036-1146},
  doi = {10.1080/10361146.2016.1260685},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2016.1260685},
  urldate = {2024-11-05},
  abstract = {We know compulsory voting is associated with higher levels of electoral turnout. It has been suggested that this leads to a trade-off with the quality of the vote, i.e. the ideological congruence between voters and the party they vote for. In this study, this claim is investigated using data from the 2007, 2010, and 2013 elections in Australia. We also include a comparison with two recent elections in Belgium, another country with compulsory voting. The results show that reluctant voters vote less ideologically congruent, but that this effect is mediated by political knowledge and political interest. However, this does not lead to less ideologically congruent election results at the aggregate level and compulsory voting does not have an impact on electoral results. We speculate that in future studies, it is important to make a distinction between reluctant voters, and those who take a strong hostile stand on the electoral process.},
  keywords = {Australia,Belgium,compulsory voting,ideological congruence},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HYE4ZVM7\Hooghe and Stiers - 2017 - Do reluctant voters vote less accurately The effe.pdf}
}

@article{houstonPolarizationPartisanSorting2024,
  title = {Polarization, {{Partisan Sorting}}, and the {{Politics}} of {{Education}}},
  author = {Houston, David M.},
  date = {2024-02-21},
  journaltitle = {American Educational Research Journal},
  shortjournal = {American Educational Research Journal},
  pages = {00028312241228280},
  issn = {0002-8312, 1935-1011},
  doi = {10.3102/00028312241228280},
  url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/00028312241228280},
  urldate = {2024-03-18},
  abstract = {Drawing on annual, nationally representative survey data from 2007–2022, I demonstrate that partisan gaps—the average differences in public opinion between Democrats and Republicans—have widened on many education issues. This pattern consistently exceeds what would be expected due to the changing demographic compositions of the parties alone. Widening partisan gaps are primarily attributable to sorting (alignment of one’s party affiliation and one’s issue positions) rather than polarization (increasing support for more extreme positions relative to more moderate positions). However, polarization is also increasing on some of the most divisive issues. Among those who are sorting, individuals are overwhelmingly switching their issue positions to align with their party affiliations rather than switching their party affiliations to align with their issue positions.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\96WBGKWM\Houston - 2024 - Polarization, Partisan Sorting, and the Politics o.pdf}
}

@article{howeAttitudeStrength2017,
  title = {Attitude {{Strength}}},
  author = {Howe, Lauren C. and Krosnick, Jon A.},
  date = {2017-01-03},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Psychology},
  volume = {68},
  pages = {327--351},
  publisher = {Annual Reviews},
  issn = {0066-4308, 1545-2085},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033600},
  url = {https://www.annualreviews.org/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033600},
  urldate = {2025-06-16},
  abstract = {Attitude strength has been the focus of a huge volume of research in psychology and related sciences for decades. The insights offered by this literature have tremendous value for understanding attitude functioning and structure and for the effective application of the attitude concept in applied settings. This is the first Annual Review of Psychology article on the topic, and it offers a review of theory and evidence regarding one of the most researched strength-related attitude features: attitude importance. Personal importance is attached to an attitude when the attitude is perceived to be relevant to self-interest, social identification with reference groups or reference individuals, and values. Attaching personal importance to an attitude causes crystallizing of attitudes (via enhanced resistance to change), effortful gathering and processing of relevant information, accumulation of a large store of well-organized relevant information in long-term memory, enhanced attitude extremity and accessibility, enhanced attitude impact on the regulation of interpersonal attraction, energizing of emotional reactions, and enhanced impact of attitudes on behavioral intentions and action. Thus, important attitudes are real and consequential psychological forces, and their study offers opportunities for addressing behavioral change.},
  issue = {Volume 68, 2017},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\R6ZHWDNE\Howe and Krosnick - 2017 - Attitude Strength.pdf}
}

@article{howeWithinsibshipGenomewideAssociation2022,
  title = {Within-Sibship Genome-Wide Association Analyses Decrease Bias in Estimates of Direct Genetic Effects},
  author = {Howe, Laurence J. and Nivard, Michel G. and Morris, Tim T. and Hansen, Ailin F. and Rasheed, Humaira and Cho, Yoonsu and Chittoor, Geetha and Ahlskog, Rafael and Lind, Penelope A. and Palviainen, Teemu and Van Der Zee, Matthijs D. and Cheesman, Rosa and Mangino, Massimo and Wang, Yunzhang and Li, Shuai and Klaric, Lucija and Ratliff, Scott M. and Bielak, Lawrence F. and Nygaard, Marianne and Giannelis, Alexandros and Willoughby, Emily A. and Reynolds, Chandra A. and Balbona, Jared V. and Andreassen, Ole A. and Ask, Helga and Baras, Aris and Bauer, Christopher R. and Boomsma, Dorret I. and Campbell, Archie and Campbell, Harry and Chen, Zhengming and Christofidou, Paraskevi and Corfield, Elizabeth and Dahm, Christina C. and Dokuru, Deepika R. and Evans, Luke M. and De Geus, Eco J. C. and Giddaluru, Sudheer and Gordon, Scott D. and Harden, K. Paige and Hill, W. David and Hughes, Amanda and Kerr, Shona M. and Kim, Yongkang and Kweon, Hyeokmoon and Latvala, Antti and Lawlor, Deborah A. and Li, Liming and Lin, Kuang and Magnus, Per and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Mallard, Travis T. and Martikainen, Pekka and Mills, Melinda C. and Njølstad, Pål Rasmus and Overton, John D. and Pedersen, Nancy L. and Porteous, David J. and Reid, Jeffrey and Silventoinen, Karri and Southey, Melissa C. and Stoltenberg, Camilla and Tucker-Drob, Elliot M. and Wright, Margaret J. and {Social Science Genetic Association Consortium} and Kweon, Hyeokmoon and Koellinger, Philipp D. and Benjamin, Daniel J. and Turley, Patrick and {Within Family Consortium} and Howe, Laurence J. and Nivard, Michel G. and Morris, Tim T. and Hansen, Ailin F. and Rasheed, Humaira and Cho, Yoonsu and Chittoor, Geetha and Ahlskog, Rafael and Lind, Penelope A. and Palviainen, Teemu and Van Der Zee, Matthijs D. and Cheesman, Rosa and Mangino, Massimo and Wang, Yunzhang and Li, Shuai and Klaric, Lucija and Ratliff, Scott M. and Bielak, Lawrence F. and Nygaard, Marianne and Giannelis, Alexandros and Willoughby, Emily A. and Reynolds, Chandra A. and Balbona, Jared V. and Andreassen, Ole A. and Ask, Helga and Boomsma, Dorret I. and Campbell, Archie and Campbell, Harry and Chen, Zhengming and Christofidou, Paraskevi and Corfield, Elizabeth and Dahm, Christina C. and Dokuru, Deepika R. and Evans, Luke M. and De Geus, Eco J. C. and Giddaluru, Sudheer and Gordon, Scott D. and Harden, K. Paige and Hill, W. David and Hughes, Amanda and Kerr, Shona M. and Kim, Yongkang and Latvala, Antti and Lawlor, Deborah A. and Li, Liming and Lin, Kuang and Magnus, Per and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Mallard, Travis T. and Martikainen, Pekka and Mills, Melinda C. and Njølstad, Pål Rasmus and Pedersen, Nancy L. and Porteous, David J. and Silventoinen, Karri and Southey, Melissa C. and Stoltenberg, Camilla and Tucker-Drob, Elliot M. and Wright, Margaret J. and Hewitt, John K. and Keller, Matthew C. and Stallings, Michael C. and Lee, James J. and Christensen, Kaare and Kardia, Sharon L. R. and Peyser, Patricia A. and Smith, Jennifer A. and Wilson, James F. and Hopper, John L. and Hägg, Sara and Spector, Tim D. and Pingault, Jean-Baptiste and Plomin, Robert and Havdahl, Alexandra and Bartels, Meike and Martin, Nicholas G. and Oskarsson, Sven and Justice, Anne E. and Millwood, Iona Y. and Hveem, Kristian and Naess, Øyvind and Willer, Cristen J. and Åsvold, Bjørn Olav and Kaprio, Jaakko and Medland, Sarah E. and Walters, Robin G. and Evans, David M. and Smith, George Davey and Hayward, Caroline and Brumpton, Ben and Hemani, Gibran and Davies, Neil M. and Hewitt, John K. and Keller, Matthew C. and Stallings, Michael C. and Lee, James J. and Christensen, Kaare and Kardia, Sharon L. R. and Peyser, Patricia A. and Smith, Jennifer A. and Wilson, James F. and Hopper, John L. and Hägg, Sara and Spector, Tim D. and Pingault, Jean-Baptiste and Plomin, Robert and Havdahl, Alexandra and Bartels, Meike and Martin, Nicholas G. and Oskarsson, Sven and Justice, Anne E. and Millwood, Iona Y. and Hveem, Kristian and Naess, Øyvind and Willer, Cristen J. and Åsvold, Bjørn Olav and Koellinger, Philipp D. and Kaprio, Jaakko and Medland, Sarah E. and Walters, Robin G. and Benjamin, Daniel J. and Turley, Patrick and Evans, David M. and Davey Smith, George and Hayward, Caroline and Brumpton, Ben and Hemani, Gibran and Davies, Neil M.},
  date = {2022-05},
  journaltitle = {Nature Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Nat Genet},
  volume = {54},
  number = {5},
  pages = {581--592},
  issn = {1061-4036, 1546-1718},
  doi = {10.1038/s41588-022-01062-7},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41588-022-01062-7},
  urldate = {2024-03-01},
  abstract = {Abstract             Estimates from genome-wide association studies (GWAS) of unrelated individuals capture effects of inherited variation (direct effects), demography (population stratification, assortative mating) and relatives (indirect genetic effects). Family-based GWAS designs can control for demographic and indirect genetic effects, but large-scale family datasets have been lacking. We combined data from 178,086 siblings from 19 cohorts to generate population (between-family) and within-sibship (within-family) GWAS estimates for 25 phenotypes. Within-sibship GWAS estimates were smaller than population estimates for height, educational attainment, age at first birth, number of children, cognitive ability, depressive symptoms and smoking. Some differences were observed in downstream SNP heritability, genetic correlations and Mendelian randomization analyses. For example, the within-sibship genetic correlation between educational attainment and body mass index attenuated towards zero. In contrast, analyses of most molecular phenotypes (for example, low-density lipoprotein-cholesterol) were generally consistent. We also found within-sibship evidence of polygenic adaptation on taller height. Here, we illustrate the importance of family-based GWAS data for phenotypes influenced by demographic and indirect genetic effects.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\US8YG7X4\Howe et al. - 2022 - Within-sibship genome-wide association analyses de.pdf}
}

@article{huckfeldtAccessibilityPoliticalUtility1999,
  title = {Accessibility and the {{Political Utility}} of {{Partisan}} and {{Ideological Orientations}}},
  author = {Huckfeldt, Robert and Levine, Jeffrey and Morgan, William and Sprague, John},
  date = {1999},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {43},
  number = {3},
  eprint = {2991839},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {888--911},
  publisher = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  doi = {10.2307/2991839},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2991839},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  abstract = {We examine the accessibility of ideological and partisan orientations as factors affecting the political capacity of citizens. In particular, is the utility of partisan and ideological reasoning contingent on the accessibility of an individual's own self-identifications? Are people with accessible points of ideological and partisan orientation more likely to invoke these orientations in formulating political judgments and resisting efforts at political persuasion? Are they more likely to demonstrate politically compatible points of orientation? These questions are addressed in the context of a study conducted during the course of the 1996 election campaign. In order to measure the accessibility of respondents' partisan and ideological self-identifications, we record response latencies--the time required for respondents to answer particular questions. Based on our analysis, we argue that attitudes and self identifications are useful heuristic devices that allow individuals to make sense out of the complexity and chaos of politics. But some citizens are better able than others to employ these devices, and by demonstrating who these citizens are, the concept of accessibility becomes an important element in the explanation of political capacity.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\S8UDNVR4\Huckfeldt et al. - 1999 - Accessibility and the Political Utility of Partisa.pdf}
}

@article{huddyExpressiveInstrumentalPartisanship2018,
  title = {Expressive {{Versus Instrumental Partisanship}} in {{Multiparty European Systems}}},
  author = {Huddy, Leonie and Bankert, Alexa and Davies, Caitlin},
  date = {2018-02},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {39},
  number = {S1},
  pages = {173--199},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12482},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12482},
  urldate = {2024-03-18},
  abstract = {Partisanship has a powerful influence on political behavior in the United States, but its influence is less certain in European democracies. Part of the debate concerning the influence of partisanship in Europe centers on its nature. From one perspective, partisanship is seen as grounded in factors such as ratings of government performance and agreement with the party’s issue stances. We refer to this as the instrumental model. In the United States, however, a competing model has gained empirical support in which partisanship is defined as an identity that is largely defensive in nature and not especially reactive to ongoing events. We refer to this as an expressive model. In this review, we focus on several European democracies (the United Kingdom, Netherlands, Sweden, and Italy) and evaluate evidence for and against an expressive model of partisanship in which democratic citizens act to defend their party in order to maintain its positive standing. We find evidence that strong partisans in Europe exhibit five characteristics of expressive partisans: stable partisan identity, motivated reasoning in defense of the party, the greater influence of identity than issues and ideology in shaping vote choice and political behavior, affective polarization bias in favor of one’s own party, and the existence of strong defensive emotions aroused by partisan threats and reassurances. It appears that partisans in the four European democracies act in similar ways to partisans in the United States. Nonetheless, levels of partisan identification differ across the European nations and between European nations and the United States helping to explain national differences in the intensity of partisan behavior.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\QM3DRJSQ\Huddy et al. - 2018 - Expressive Versus Instrumental Partisanship in Mul.pdf}
}

@article{huddyExpressivePartisanshipCampaign2015,
  title = {Expressive {{Partisanship}}: {{Campaign Involvement}}, {{Political Emotion}}, and {{Partisan Identity}}},
  shorttitle = {Expressive {{Partisanship}}},
  author = {Huddy, Leonie and Mason, Lilliana and Aarøe, Lene},
  date = {2015-02},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  shortjournal = {Am Polit Sci Rev},
  volume = {109},
  number = {1},
  pages = {1--17},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055414000604},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055414000604/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-03-20},
  abstract = {Party identification is central to the study of American political behavior, yet there remains disagreement over whether it is largely instrumental or expressive in nature. We draw on social identity theory to develop the expressive model and conduct four studies to compare it to an instrumental explanation of campaign involvement. We find strong support for the expressive model: a multi-item partisan identity scale better accounts for campaign activity than a strong stance on subjectively important policy issues, the strength of ideological self-placement, or a measure of ideological identity. A series of experiments underscore the power of partisan identity to generate action-oriented emotions that drive campaign activity. Strongly identified partisans feel angrier than weaker partisans when threatened with electoral loss and more positive when reassured of victory. In contrast, those who hold a strong and ideologically consistent position on issues are no more aroused emotionally than others by party threats or reassurances. In addition, threat and reassurance to the party's status arouse greater anger and enthusiasm among partisans than does a threatened loss or victory on central policy issues. Our findings underscore the power of an expressive partisan identity to drive campaign involvement and generate strong emotional reactions to ongoing campaign events.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3R32E2WC\Huddy et al. - 2015 - Expressive Partisanship Campaign Involvement, Pol.pdf}
}

@incollection{huddyGroupIdentityPolitical2015,
  title = {Group {{Identity}} and {{Political Cohesion}}},
  booktitle = {Emerging {{Trends}} in the {{Social}} and {{Behavioral Sciences}}},
  author = {Huddy, Leonie},
  editor = {Scott, Robert A and Kosslyn, Stephan M},
  date = {2015-05-15},
  edition = {1},
  pages = {1--14},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  doi = {10.1002/9781118900772.etrds0155},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/9781118900772.etrds0155},
  urldate = {2024-04-05},
  abstract = {This entry examines the conditions under which group identities become politicized, the psychology underlying this process, and the consequences of political identities for political cohesion and engagement. The political consequences of membership in various demographic and religious groups played a central role in the earliest voting studies and these findings have been theoretically and empirically enriched by an active research focus on social identities within social psychology. Foundational research has identified the underpinnings of cohesive group political behavior in the existence of chronic strong group identities, an established link between the group and politics, and the emergence of group norms fostering a distinct political outlook and political action. Recent research has focused on dynamic aspects of group political cohesion, including threats to the group’s status, the convergence of distinct identities, and factors that arouse strong emotions likely to foster collective action. Numerous questions remain unanswered about the conditions under which group political cohesion emerges. One set of questions concerns the origins of chronically strong identities in personality factors such as agreeableness and extraversion. Another set of questions touches on the origins of group identity in situational contexts that promote uncertainty. Finally, the degree to which group leaders can elicit cohesion and conformity, and the situational elements that promote such influence, is a very promising avenue for future research.},
  isbn = {978-1-118-90077-2},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {context idnetity EVERYTHING},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FZ72VP4W\Huddy - 2015 - Group Identity and Political Cohesion.pdf}
}

@inbook{huddyPoliticalPartisanshipSocial2017,
  title = {Political {{Partisanship}} as a {{Social Identity}}},
  booktitle = {Oxford {{Research Encyclopedia}} of {{Politics}}},
  author = {Huddy, Leonie and Bankert, Alexa},
  date = {2017-05-24},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.250},
  url = {https://oxfordre.com/politics/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-250},
  urldate = {2024-03-19},
  abstract = {Partisanship remains a powerful influence on political behavior within developed and developing democracies, but there remains a lively debate on its nature, origins, and measurement. In this debate, political scientists draw on social identity theory to clarify the nature of partisanship and its political consequences in the United States and other developed and developing democracies. In particular, social identity theory has been used to develop an expressive model of partisanship, which stands in contrast to an instrumental model grounded in ideological and policy considerations. Included here are a discussion of the key motivational and cognitive components of social identity theory and an explanation of how the theory can be applied to the study of partisanship. The focus is on the measurement of partisanship, its social nature, its origins in convergent identities, and its ability to generate strong emotions and drive political engagement. Lastly, areas for future partisanship research are discussed. These areas include the study of negative partisan identities, coalitional identities in multiparty systems, and the political situations in which expressive and instrumental aspects of partisanship are most common.},
  bookauthor = {Huddy, Leonie and Bankert, Alexa},
  isbn = {978-0-19-022863-7},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\V8RZCIER\Huddy and Bankert - 2017 - Political Partisanship as a Social Identity.pdf}
}

@article{huddySocialPoliticalIdentity2001,
  title = {From {{Social}} to {{Political Identity}}: {{A Critical Examination}} of {{Social Identity Theory}}},
  shorttitle = {From {{Social}} to {{Political Identity}}},
  author = {Huddy, Leonie},
  date = {2001-03},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {22},
  number = {1},
  pages = {127--156},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/0162-895X.00230},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/0162-895X.00230},
  urldate = {2024-04-19},
  abstract = {Interest in the concept of identity has grown exponentially within both the humanities and social sciences, but the discussion of identity has had less impact than might be expected on the quantitative study of political behavior in general and on political psychology more specifically. One of the approaches that holds the most promise for political psychologists is social identity theory, as reflected in the thinking of Henri Tajfel, John Turner, and colleagues. Although the theory addresses the kinds of problems of interest to political psychologists, it has had limited impact on political psychology because of social identity theorists’ disinclination to examine the sources of social identity in a real world complicated by history and culture. In this review, four key issues are examined that hinder the successful application of social identity theory to political phenomena. These key issues are the existence of identity choice, the subjective meaning of identities, gradations in identity strength, and the considerable stability of many social and political identities.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WMYPA6J9\Huddy - 2001 - From Social to Political Identity A Critical Exam.pdf}
}

@online{IdeologicalAsymmetryRelationship,
  title = {Ideological Asymmetry in the Relationship between Epistemic Motivation and Political Attitudes.},
  url = {https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2012-16649-001},
  urldate = {2025-05-12}
}

@online{ImpactPersonalizedInformation,
  title = {The {{Impact}} of {{Personalized Information}} on {{Vote Intention}}: {{Evidence}} from a {{Randomized Field Experiment}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Impact}} of {{Personalized Information}} on {{Vote Intention}}},
  doi = {10.1086/702946},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/epdf/10.1086/702946},
  urldate = {2025-10-17},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\WSZNQ6R7\\The Impact of Personalized Information on Vote Intention Evidence from a Randomized Field Experimen.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\FKMCKX5G\\702946.html}
}

@online{ImportanceKnowingWhata,
  title = {The {{Importance}} of {{Knowing}} “{{What Goes}} with {{What}}”: {{Reinterpreting}} the {{Evidence}} on {{Policy Attitude Stability}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Importance}} of {{Knowing}} “{{What Goes}} with {{What}}”},
  doi = {10.1086/700005},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/epdf/10.1086/700005},
  urldate = {2025-11-17},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RQGYSPAN\700005.html}
}

@article{iyengarAffectNotIdeology2012,
  title = {Affect, {{Not Ideology}}},
  author = {Iyengar, Shanto and Sood, Gaurav and Lelkes, Yphtach},
  date = {2012-09-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {76},
  number = {3},
  pages = {405--431},
  issn = {0033-362X, 1537-5331},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfs038},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/poq/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/poq/nfs038},
  urldate = {2024-08-23},
  abstract = {The current debate over the extent of polarization in the American mass public focuses on the extent to which partisans’ policy preferences have moved. Whereas “maximalists” claim that partisans’ views on policies have become more extreme over time (Abramowitz 2010), “minimalists” (Fiorina and Abrams 2009) contend that the majority of Americans remain centrist, and that what little centrifugal movement has occurred reflects sorting, i.e., the increased association between partisanship and ideology. We argue in favor of an alternative definition of polarization, based on the classic concept of social distance (Bogardus 1947). Using data from a variety of sources, we demonstrate that both Republicans and Democrats increasingly dislike, even loathe, their opponents. We also find that partisan affect is inconsistently (and perhaps artifactually) founded in policy attitudes. The more plausible account lies in the nature of political campaigns; exposure to messages attacking the out-group reinforces partisans’ biased views of their opponents.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WLVMB7XQ\Iyengar et al. - 2012 - Affect, Not Ideology.pdf}
}

@article{iyengarFearLoathingParty2015,
  title = {Fear and {{Loathing}} across {{Party Lines}}: {{New Evidence}} on {{Group Polarization}}},
  shorttitle = {Fear and {{Loathing}} across {{Party Lines}}},
  author = {Iyengar, Shanto and Westwood, Sean J.},
  date = {2015-07},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  shortjournal = {American J Political Sci},
  volume = {59},
  number = {3},
  pages = {690--707},
  issn = {0092-5853, 1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12152},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ajps.12152},
  urldate = {2024-03-18},
  abstract = {When defined in terms of social identity and affect toward copartisans and opposing partisans, the polarization of the American electorate has dramatically increased. We document the scope and consequences of affective polarization of partisans using implicit, explicit, and behavioral indicators. Our evidence demonstrates that hostile feelings for the opposing party are ingrained or automatic in voters' minds, and that affective polarization based on party is just as strong as polarization based on race. We further show that party cues exert powerful effects on nonpolitical judgments and behaviors. Partisans discriminate against opposing partisans, doing so to a degree that exceeds discrimination based on race. We note that the willingness of partisans to display open animus for opposing partisans can be attributed to the absence of norms governing the expression of negative sentiment and that increased partisan affect provides an incentive for elites to engage in confrontation rather than cooperation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\F4IKRT4L\Iyengar and Westwood - 2015 - Fear and Loathing across Party Lines New Evidence.pdf}
}

@article{iyengarFearLoathingParty2015a,
  title = {Fear and {{Loathing}} across {{Party Lines}}: {{New Evidence}} on {{Group Polarization}}},
  shorttitle = {Fear and {{Loathing}} across {{Party Lines}}},
  author = {Iyengar, Shanto and Westwood, Sean J.},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {59},
  number = {3},
  pages = {690--707},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12152},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ajps.12152},
  urldate = {2025-11-20},
  abstract = {When defined in terms of social identity and affect toward copartisans and opposing partisans, the polarization of the American electorate has dramatically increased. We document the scope and consequences of affective polarization of partisans using implicit, explicit, and behavioral indicators. Our evidence demonstrates that hostile feelings for the opposing party are ingrained or automatic in voters' minds, and that affective polarization based on party is just as strong as polarization based on race. We further show that party cues exert powerful effects on nonpolitical judgments and behaviors. Partisans discriminate against opposing partisans, doing so to a degree that exceeds discrimination based on race. We note that the willingness of partisans to display open animus for opposing partisans can be attributed to the absence of norms governing the expression of negative sentiment and that increased partisan affect provides an incentive for elites to engage in confrontation rather than cooperation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RQCHDWD8\Iyengar and Westwood - 2015 - Fear and Loathing across Party Lines New Evidence on Group Polarization.pdf}
}

@article{iyengarOriginsConsequencesAffective2019,
  title = {The {{Origins}} and {{Consequences}} of {{Affective Polarization}} in the {{United States}}},
  author = {Iyengar, Shanto and Lelkes, Yphtach and Levendusky, Matthew and Malhotra, Neil and Westwood, Sean J.},
  date = {2019-05-11},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  shortjournal = {Annu. Rev. Polit. Sci.},
  volume = {22},
  number = {1},
  pages = {129--146},
  issn = {1094-2939, 1545-1577},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-051117-073034},
  url = {https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051117-073034},
  urldate = {2025-11-17},
  abstract = {While previously polarization was primarily seen only in issue-based terms, a new type of division has emerged in the mass public in recent years: Ordinary Americans increasingly dislike and distrust those from the other party. Democrats and Republicans both say that the other party’s members are hypocritical, selfish, and closed-minded, and they are unwilling to socialize across party lines. This phenomenon of animosity between the parties is known as affective polarization. We trace its origins to the power of partisanship as a social identity, and explain the factors that intensify partisan animus. We also explore the consequences of affective polarization, highlighting how partisan affect influences attitudes and behaviors well outside the political sphere. Finally, we discuss strategies that might mitigate partisan discord and conclude with suggestions for future work.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3SQKZT8R\Iyengar et al. - 2019 - The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States.pdf}
}

@incollection{jacksonConscientiousness2017,
  title = {Conscientiousness},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Jackson, Joshua J. and Roberts, Brent W.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.18},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.18},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {Conscientiousness refers to a broad swath of constructs that reflects the propensity to be self-controlled, responsible to others, hardworking, orderly, and rule abiding. To understand why conscientiousness is one of the best psychological predictors of important outcomes (e.g., longevity; divorce), this chapter provides a broad overview of the trait. First, the Sociogenomic model of personality traits is briefly described as a means to provide a common language to discuss the status of conscientiousness. Next, the hierarchical structure of conscientiousness is described, including a description of common measures used to assess conscientiousness, as well as constructs related to conscientiousness. The development of conscientiousness is then discussed, followed by a review of the predictive ability of conscientiousness. The potential mechanisms driving the development of conscientiousness and the pathways that relate conscientiousness to important outcomes are also examined.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\ERYDBCQ8\\Jackson and Roberts - 2017 - Conscientiousness.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\QBK29B5R\\211682935.html}
}

@book{jacobssonGoverningState2016,
  title = {Governing the {{State}}},
  author = {Jacobsson, Bengt and Sundström, Göran},
  editor = {Pierre, Jon},
  date = {2016-06-02},
  volume = {1},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.20},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/34477/chapter/292537336},
  urldate = {2024-03-13},
  abstract = {In modern democracies, demands put on governments to govern are high. However, the governing of states has proven di cult. The di culties can be explained by the fact that modern states possess a complexity unparalleled in any other organization. Ambiguity, con icting interests, compromises, and the risk of overload reveal governments as everything but those rational, coordinated and problemsolving entities that they routinely are presented as. However, this does not mean that states are ungovernable. Governments are often able to govern state activities, but they do it in other ways than those implied by contemporary management models with their hierarchical, top-down-oriented, command-and-control methods. Based on a multitude of empirical studies in Sweden, this chapter discusses six strategies that the Swedish government uses when governing state agencies: creating formal organizations, positioning, fostering competition, distancing, forming communication channels, and storytelling.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BI2HWJDS\Jacobsson and Sundström - 2016 - Governing the State.pdf}
}

@incollection{jarneckeBehaviorMolecularGenetics2017,
  title = {Behavior and {{Molecular Genetics}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Jarnecke, Amber M. and South, Susan C.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.25},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.25},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {Behavior and molecular genetics informs knowledge of the etiology, structure, and development of the Five Factor Model (FFM) of personality. Behavior genetics uses quantitative modeling to parse the relative influence of nature and nurture on phenotypes that vary within the population. Behavior genetics research on the FFM has demonstrated that each domain has a heritability (proportion of variation due to genetic influences) of 40–50\%. Molecular genetic methods attempt to identify specific genetic mechanisms associated with personality variation. To date, findings from molecular genetics are tentative, with significant results failing to replicate and accounting for only a small percentage of the variance. However, newer techniques hold promise for finding the “missing heritability” of FFM and related personality domains. This chapter presents an overview of commonly used behavior and molecular genetic techniques, reviews the work that has been done on the FFM domains and facets, and offers a perspective for future directions.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\WJ8MME68\\Jarnecke and South - 2017 - Behavior and Molecular Genetics of the Five Factor.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\8QPFP7IW\\211686517.html}
}

@article{jedingerSmarterPeopleHave2022,
  title = {Do {{Smarter People Have More Conservative Economic Attitudes}}? {{Assessing}} the {{Relationship Between Cognitive Ability}} and {{Economic Ideology}}},
  shorttitle = {Do {{Smarter People Have More Conservative Economic Attitudes}}?},
  author = {Jedinger, Alexander and Burger, Axel M.},
  date = {2022-11-01},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
  shortjournal = {Pers Soc Psychol Bull},
  volume = {48},
  number = {11},
  pages = {1548--1565},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0146-1672},
  doi = {10.1177/01461672211046808},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/01461672211046808},
  urldate = {2025-04-03},
  abstract = {Evidence on the association of cognitive ability with economic attitudes is mixed. We conducted a meta-analysis (k = 20, N = 46,426) to examine the relationship between objective measures of cognitive ability and economic ideology and analyzed survey data (N = 3,375) to test theoretical explanations for the association. The meta-analysis provided evidence for a small positive association with a weighted mean effect size of r = .07 (95\% CI = [0.02, 0.12]), suggesting that higher cognitive ability is associated with conservative views on economic issues, but effect sizes were extremely heterogeneous. Tests using representative survey data provided support for both a positive association of cognitive ability with economic conservatism that is mediated through income as well as for a negative association that is mediated through a higher need for certainty. Hence, multiple causal mechanisms with countervailing effects might explain the low overall association of cognitive ability with economic political attitudes.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\UNLII458\Jedinger and Burger - 2022 - Do Smarter People Have More Conservative Economic Attitudes Assessing the Relationship Between Cogn.pdf}
}

@article{jedingerSmarterPeopleHave2022a,
  title = {Do {{Smarter People Have More Conservative Economic Attitudes}}? {{Assessing}} the {{Relationship Between Cognitive Ability}} and {{Economic Ideology}}},
  shorttitle = {Do {{Smarter People Have More Conservative Economic Attitudes}}?},
  author = {Jedinger, Alexander and Burger, Axel M.},
  date = {2022-11},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
  shortjournal = {Pers Soc Psychol Bull},
  volume = {48},
  number = {11},
  pages = {1548--1565},
  issn = {0146-1672, 1552-7433},
  doi = {10.1177/01461672211046808},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/01461672211046808},
  urldate = {2025-04-04},
  abstract = {Evidence on the association of cognitive ability with economic attitudes is mixed. We conducted a meta-analysis (k = 20, N = 46,426) to examine the relationship between objective measures of cognitive ability and economic ideology and analyzed survey data (N = 3,375) to test theoretical explanations for the association. The meta-analysis provided evidence for a small positive association with a weighted mean effect size of r = .07 (95\% CI = [0.02, 0.12]), suggesting that higher cognitive ability is associated with conservative views on economic issues, but effect sizes were extremely heterogeneous. Tests using representative survey data provided support for both a positive association of cognitive ability with economic conservatism that is mediated through income as well as for a negative association that is mediated through a higher need for certainty. Hence, multiple causal mechanisms with countervailing effects might explain the low overall association of cognitive ability with economic political attitudes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HVQ7SX3Y\Jedinger and Burger - 2022 - Do Smarter People Have More Conservative Economic Attitudes Assessing the Relationship Between Cogn.pdf}
}

@article{jenningsPartisanOrientationsLong1984,
  title = {Partisan {{Orientations}} over the {{Long Haul}}: {{Results}} from the {{Three-Wave Political Socialization Panel Study}}},
  shorttitle = {Partisan {{Orientations}} over the {{Long Haul}}},
  author = {Jennings, M. Kent and Markus, Gregory B.},
  date = {1984-12},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  shortjournal = {Am Polit Sci Rev},
  volume = {78},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1000--1018},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.2307/1955804},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400256487/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-04-05},
  abstract = {The present study examines the dynamics of partisanship and voting behavior by utilizing national survey panel data gathered in 1965, 1973, and 1982 from two strategically situated generations—members of the high school senior class of 1965 and their parents. At the aggregate level, generational effects appeared in the persistently weaker partisan attachments of the younger generation. At the individual level, strong effects based on experience and habituation appeared in the remarkable gains occurring in the stability of partisan and other orientations among the young as they aged from their mid-20s to their mid-30s. Dynamic modeling of the relationship between partisanship and voting choice demonstrated that the younger voters had stabilized at an overall weaker level of partisanship, leading to more volatile voting behavior which, in turn, failed to provide the consistent reinforcement needed to intensify preexisting partisan leanings.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5PGXT4U3\Jennings and Markus - 1984 - Partisan Orientations over the Long Haul Results .pdf}
}

@article{jiangRestrainingFormationFilter,
  title = {Restraining the Formation of Filter Bubbles with Algorithmic Affordances: {{Toward}} More Balanced Information Consumption and Decreased Attitude Extremity},
  shorttitle = {Restraining the Formation of Filter Bubbles with Algorithmic Affordances},
  author = {Jiang, Tingting and Sun, Zhumo and Fu, Shiting},
  journaltitle = {Journal of the Association for Information Science and Technology},
  volume = {n/a},
  number = {n/a},
  issn = {2330-1643},
  doi = {10.1002/asi.24988},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/asi.24988},
  urldate = {2025-03-21},
  abstract = {In combating filter bubbles, an undesirable consequence of personalized recommendations, prior research has focused on improving algorithms to increase the diversity of the content recommended. Following a user-centered approach firmly grounded in information science, this study is dedicated to optimizing interaction patterns with algorithmic affordances, aiming to augment the diversity of the content consumed and induce favorable attitude changes. A controlled experiment was conducted on a mock personalized recommender system that provided both information and interactivity affordances, exemplified by stance labels and stance-based filters, respectively. A total of 142 participants were recruited to browse recommendations generated by the system on a specific controversial topic, and the selectivity of their information consumption behavior and the change in their attitude extremity were measured. It was found that both types of affordances were effective in reducing users' behavioral selectivity. While stance labels inhibited the consumption of pro-attitudinal information, stance-based filters facilitated the consumption of counter-attitudinal information. Furthermore, the affordances could immediately mitigate the attitude extremity of those with a higher level of algorithmic literacy. The findings not only enrich the growing body of literature on filter bubbles but also offer valuable implications for the affordance design practices of personalized recommender systems.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\WFQB6Q3T\\Jiang et al. - Restraining the formation of filter bubbles with algorithmic affordances Toward more balanced infor.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\P7WANRQ4\\asi.html}
}

@article{jockerGenerationalRealignmentEmerging2024,
  title = {Generational (Re)Alignment: Emerging Issues and New Voters in {{Western Europe}}},
  shorttitle = {Generational (Re)Alignment},
  author = {Jocker, Thomas and Van Der Brug, Wouter and Rekker, Roderik},
  date = {2024-05-03},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  shortjournal = {West European Politics},
  pages = {1--31},
  issn = {0140-2382, 1743-9655},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2024.2344949},
  url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2024.2344949},
  urldate = {2024-12-11},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\A2IZTCJE\Jocker et al. - 2024 - Generational (re)alignment emerging issues and ne.pdf}
}

@article{joestenReassessingProximityVoting2014,
  title = {Reassessing {{Proximity Voting}}: {{Expertise}}, {{Party}}, and {{Choice}} in {{Congressional Elections}}},
  shorttitle = {Reassessing {{Proximity Voting}}},
  author = {Joesten, Danielle A. and Stone, Walter J.},
  date = {2014-07},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {76},
  number = {3},
  pages = {740--753},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.1017/S0022381614000140},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1017/S0022381614000140},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  abstract = {Spatial theories of voting are appealing because they link voters’ electoral choices to candidates’ policy positions. Yet if voters lack political sophistication and awareness of candidate positions, they may not measure up to the cognitive demands of spatial voting models. Using district experts to ascertain House candidates’ positions on the same liberal-conservative scale as in a survey of constituents, we find that proximity voting is common, even among voters unaware of candidates’ ideological positions. Since voting based on party identification or presidential approval often produces votes consistent with the spatial model, such alternative decision rules explain this result by serving as powerful proxies for proximity voting. In addition, facilitator variables such as involvement in politically expert interpersonal networks, the ideological difference between candidates, and voters’ distance from the district ideological cut point help explain proximity voting.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6PNCPYVF\Joesten and Stone - 2014 - Reassessing Proximity Voting Expertise, Party, an.pdf}
}

@book{johnHandbookPersonalityTheory2010,
  title = {Handbook of {{Personality}}: {{Theory}} and {{Research}}},
  shorttitle = {Handbook of {{Personality}}},
  author = {John, Oliver P. and Robins, Richard W. and Pervin, Lawrence A.},
  date = {2010-11-24},
  publisher = {Guilford Press},
  abstract = {This authoritative handbook is the reference of choice for researchers and students of personality. Leading authorities describe the most important theoretical approaches in personality and review the state of the science in five broad content areas: biological bases; development; self and social processes; cognitive and motivational processes; and emotion, adjustment, and health. Within each area, chapters present innovative ideas, findings, research designs, and measurement approaches. Areas of integration and consensus are discussed, as are key questions and controversies still facing the field.},
  isbn = {978-1-60918-059-1},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {881},
  keywords = {Medical / Psychiatry / General,Psychology / Personality,Psychology / Social Psychology}
}

@article{johnstonPersonalityDispositionsPolitical2015,
  title = {Personality {{Dispositions}} and {{Political Preferences Across Hard}} and {{Easy Issues}}},
  author = {Johnston, Christopher D. and Wronski, Julie},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {36},
  number = {1},
  pages = {35--53},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12068},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/pops.12068},
  urldate = {2025-05-12},
  abstract = {A wealth of theoretical and empirical work suggests that conservative orientations in the mass public are meaningfully associated with personality dispositions related to needs for certainty and security. Recent empirical research, however, suggests that (1) associations between these needs and economic conservatism are substantially weaker than associations with conservative identifications and social conservatism, and (2) political sophistication plays an important role in moderating the translation of needs into political preferences within the economic domain. The present article extends this work by offering a theoretical model of the heterogeneous translation of personality dispositions into political preferences across issues and issue domains. We argue that these needs structure preferences directly for highly symbolic issues like those in the social domain, but they structure preferences indirectly through partisanship for difficult issues like those in the economic domain. We test this theory utilizing a national survey experiment in the United States and explore its broader implications for both the literature on the psychological determinants of political ideology and for debates over the “culture war” in the United States.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {ideology,motivation,personality,persuasion,political attitudes}
}

@article{joslynWhoKnowsBest2014a,
  title = {Who {{Knows Best}}? {{Education}}, {{Partisanship}}, and {{Contested Facts}}},
  shorttitle = {Who {{Knows Best}}?},
  author = {Joslyn, Mark R. and Haider‐Markel, Donald P.},
  date = {2014-12},
  journaltitle = {Politics \& Policy},
  shortjournal = {Politics \& Policy},
  volume = {42},
  number = {6},
  pages = {919--947},
  issn = {1555-5623, 1747-1346},
  doi = {10.1111/polp.12098},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12098},
  urldate = {2024-05-06},
  abstract = {An alert, informed electorate is considered vital to a robust democracy, and the main path to that electorate includes formal education. The educated citizen is politically attentive, knowledgeable, and participatory, and the uneducated citizen is not. However, this fact conceals a less favorable effect of education. Educated citizens possess the cognitive skills to reject facts inconsistent with prior dispositions. And educated citizens are among the most invested partisans. Thus education is indispensable for an ideal democratic citizen, but that same education can create a resistant, insular democratic participant. We examine this duality across several prominent empirical cases where political facts are in dispute and employ goal-oriented information processing theory to generate hypotheses. In each case, we find that the most educated partisans are furthest apart in their factual understanding. Our primary concern resides with the inability of education to overcome powerful partisan motives; education intensifies those motives.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\49FV4AHN\Joslyn and Haider‐Markel - 2014 - Who Knows Best Education, Partisanship, and Conte.pdf}
}

@article{jostExceptionsThatProve2003,
  title = {Exceptions That Prove the Rule--{{Using}} a Theory of Motivated Social Cognition to Account for Ideological Incongruities and Political Anomalies: {{Reply}} to {{Greenberg}} and {{Jonas}} (2003)},
  shorttitle = {Exceptions That Prove the Rule--{{Using}} a Theory of Motivated Social Cognition to Account for Ideological Incongruities and Political Anomalies},
  author = {Jost, John T. and Glaser, Jack and Kruglanski, Arie W. and Sulloway, Frank J.},
  date = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Bulletin},
  volume = {129},
  number = {3},
  pages = {383--393},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-1455},
  doi = {10.1037/0033-2909.129.3.383},
  abstract = {A meta-analysis by J. T. Jost, J. Glaser, A. W. Kruglanski, and F. J. Sulloway (2003) concluded that political conservatism is partially motivated by the management of uncertainty and threat. In this reply to J. Greenberg and E. Jonas (2003), conceptual issues are clarified, numerous political anomalies are explained, and alleged counterexamples are incorporated with a dynamic model that takes into account differences between "young" and "old" movements. Studies directly pitting the rigidity-of-the-right hypothesis against the ideological extremity hypothesis demonstrate strong support for the former. Medium to large effect sizes describe relations between political conservatism and dogmatism and intolerance of ambiguity; lack of openness to experience; uncertainty avoidance; personal needs for order, structure, and closure; fear of death; and system threat. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Communism,Conservatism,Epistemology,Existentialism,History,Motivation,Personality Traits,Political Conservatism,Prediction,Psychological Needs,Rationalization (Defense Mechanism),Social Cognition}
}

@article{jostPoliticalConservatismMotivated2003,
  title = {Political Conservatism as Motivated Social Cognition},
  author = {Jost, John T. and Glaser, Jack and Kruglanski, Arie W. and Sulloway, Frank J.},
  date = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Bulletin},
  volume = {129},
  number = {3},
  pages = {339--375},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-1455},
  doi = {10.1037/0033-2909.129.3.339},
  abstract = {Analyzing political conservatism as motivated social cognition integrates theories of personality (authoritarianism, dogmatism-intolerance of ambiguity), epistemic and existential needs (for closure, regulatory focus, terror management), and ideological rationalization (social dominance, system justification). A meta-analysis (88 samples, 12 countries, 22,818 cases) confirms that several psychological variables predict political conservatism: death anxiety (weighted mean r=.50); system instability (.47); dogmatism-intolerance of ambiguity (.34); openness to experience (-.32); uncertainty tolerance (-.27); needs for order, structure, and closure (.26); integrative complexity (-.20); fear of threat and loss (.18); and self-esteem (-.09). The core ideology of conservatism stresses resistance to change and justification of inequality and is motivated by needs that vary situationally and dispositionally to manage uncertainty and threat. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Conservatism,Epistemology,Existentialism,Motivation,Personality Traits,Political Conservatism,Prediction,Psychological Needs,Rationalization (Defense Mechanism),Social Cognition}
}

@article{jrPOLITICALREPRESENTATIONCOMPARATIVE2004,
  title = {{{POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS}}},
  author = {Jr, G. Bingham Powell},
  date = {2004-06-15},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  volume = {7},
  pages = {273--296},
  publisher = {Annual Reviews},
  issn = {1094-2939, 1545-1577},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104815},
  url = {https://www.annualreviews.org/content/journals/10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104815},
  urldate = {2025-04-08},
  abstract = {▪ Abstract Two large research programs have analyzed election-based connections between citizens and policy makers in different democracies. Studies of vote-seat representation in the tradition of Rae (1967) begin with citizens\&apos; party votes and have made substantial progress in elucidating the impact of election laws, geographic vote distributions, and the number of parties and their interactions on the proportionality of party representation. Studies of substantive representation in the tradition of Miller \&amp; Stokes (1963) begin with citizen issue preferences and link these to the positions of their representatives. Most studies outside the United States, confronting multimember districts and the cohesion of party representatives, have focused on voter-party dyads rather than geographic constituencies, and confirmed the importance of issues linked to a common electoral discourse and the greater structure of legislator issue positions. Recently, a number of explicitly comparative analyses have begun to analyze collective correspondence and confront other limitations of the literature.},
  issue = {Volume 7, 2004},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\II8ULHU4\Jr - 2004 - POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS.pdf}
}

@article{jungkunzMeasurementExtremeLeftWing2019,
  title = {Towards a {{Measurement}} of {{Extreme Left-Wing Attitudes}}},
  author = {Jungkunz, Sebastian},
  date = {2019-01-02},
  journaltitle = {German Politics},
  volume = {28},
  number = {1},
  pages = {101--122},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0964-4008},
  doi = {10.1080/09644008.2018.1484906},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2018.1484906},
  urldate = {2024-09-27},
  abstract = {Previous research on left-wing extremism relied largely on measurements that are unsuitable to detect and track extreme attitudes. In the absence of a clearly defined instrument for left-wing extremism, researchers based their predictions largely on indicators like voting behaviour or the left—right self-placement scale. Building on a large-scale investigation of data from the past 20 years, the paper shows that such indicators do not serve as adequate proxies, since those labelled as ‘extreme’ do not hold extreme attitudes in most cases. Analysing a variety of left-wing extremist attitudes across the past two decades shows that there is indeed a core set of attitudes that seem to resemble what we would call a traditional left-wing extremist identity. The paper suggests an instrument that can serve as a starting point for further developing an index of left-wing extremism. Finally, the potential of the extreme left is assessed using the constructed index. The results show that the estimated potential of the new measure differs substantially from conventional measurements, not in quantity but in its composition. As a result, traditional measurements fail to predict actual left-wing extremism. In particular, anti-pluralist mindsets are heavily neglected. Implications are thus discussed for Germany, and the world at large.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\X7TQYZEP\Jungkunz - 2019 - Towards a Measurement of Extreme Left-Wing Attitud.pdf}
}

@article{kawaiInferringStrategicVoting2013,
  title = {Inferring {{Strategic Voting}}},
  author = {Kawai, Kei and Watanabe, Yasutora},
  date = {2013-04-01},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  shortjournal = {American Economic Review},
  volume = {103},
  number = {2},
  pages = {624--662},
  issn = {0002-8282},
  doi = {10.1257/aer.103.2.624},
  url = {https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/10.1257/aer.103.2.624},
  urldate = {2024-09-02},
  abstract = {We estimate a model of strategic voting and quantify the impact it has on election outcomes. Because the model exhibits multiplicity of outcomes, we adopt a set estimator. Using Japanese general-election data, we find a large fraction (63.4 percent, 84.9 percent) of strategic voters, only a small fraction (1.4 percent, 4.2 percent) of whom voted for a candidate other than the one they most preferred (misaligned voting). Existing empirical literature has not distinguished between the two, estimating misaligned voting instead of strategic voting. Accordingly, while our estimate of strategic voting is high, our estimate of misaligned voting is comparable to previous studies. (JEL D72)},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2ACLE3MZ\Kawai and Watanabe - 2013 - Inferring Strategic Voting.pdf}
}

@article{kentmen-cinAttitudesUkrainianRefugees2025,
  title = {Attitudes towards {{Ukrainian}} Refugees: Insights from the Literature},
  shorttitle = {Attitudes towards {{Ukrainian}} Refugees},
  author = {Kentmen-Cin, Cigdem},
  date = {2025-01-02},
  journaltitle = {Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research},
  volume = {38},
  number = {1},
  pages = {112--136},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1351-1610},
  doi = {10.1080/13511610.2024.2430231},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13511610.2024.2430231},
  urldate = {2025-06-17},
  abstract = {The invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation in February 2022 prompted a significant influx of Ukrainian refugees into neighboring European countries. Comparative analyses have revealed that Ukrainian refugees generally received more favorable public reception compared to other groups, such as Syrians. This difference has been attributed to the perceived proximity and spillover risk of the war, as well as shared cultural values with Western countries. However, while initial sympathy towards Ukrainians is evident, concerns about economic implications and long-term costs may erode support over time. This highlights the need for sustained inquiry beyond war related empathy and cultural values. In response, this study calls for an in-depth exploration of refugee attitudes, recognizing the multifaceted nature of public opinion. Such understanding is essential for informing policymaking aimed at effectively supporting displaced populations and for fostering a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of current European responses to the Ukrainian refugee crisis. This paper critically reviews existing literature on public attitudes towards immigrants and refugees, identifying key themes and proposing avenues for future research.},
  keywords = {anti-immigrant attitudes,European public opinion,Syrian refugees,Ukrainian refugees},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BZ78HN67\Kentmen-Cin - 2025 - Attitudes towards Ukrainian refugees insights from the literature.pdf}
}

@incollection{kernHealthPsychology2017,
  title = {Health {{Psychology}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Kern, Margaret L. and Friedman, Howard S.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.2},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.2},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {As research on personality and health has moved to developing multitrait, multioutcome models, the five factor approach has shown excellent utility for understanding health, including physical and mental health, longevity, cognitive function, social competence, and productivity. Drawing on a growing arsenal of advanced statistical techniques, studies are testing complex models to explain how personality influences health. Health behaviors, social situations, physiological changes, and various indirect and moderating factors are important pathways connecting personality and health, and reciprocally influence one another. Future personality research will benefit from interdisciplinary approaches, including integrative data analyses of archival data, big data analyses, neuroscientific approaches, and lifespan epidemiology. Bringing together different types of data, innovative methods, and well-specified theories offers the potential to understand the personality–health model in ways never before imagined. Identifying pathways and key factors in turn will inform effective intervention to help more people live healthier, more productive lives.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\TXTEVZEM\\Kern and Friedman - 2017 - Health Psychology.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\CPWWWVUU\\211687979.html}
}

@article{kimelLivingGeneticWorld2016,
  title = {Living in a {{Genetic World}}: {{How Learning About Interethnic Genetic Similarities}} and {{Differences Affects Peace}} and {{Conflict}}},
  shorttitle = {Living in a {{Genetic World}}},
  author = {Kimel, Sasha Y. and Huesmann, Rowell and Kunst, Jonas R. and Halperin, Eran},
  date = {2016-05-01},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
  shortjournal = {Pers Soc Psychol Bull},
  volume = {42},
  number = {5},
  pages = {688--700},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0146-1672},
  doi = {10.1177/0146167216642196},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167216642196},
  urldate = {2025-06-11},
  abstract = {Information about the degree of one’s genetic overlap with ethnic outgroups has been emphasized in genocides, is frequently learned about through media reporting, and is increasingly being accessed via personal genetic testing services. However, the consequence of learning about whether your own ethnic group is either genetically related to or genetically distinct from a disliked ethnic group remains unknown. Across four experiments, using diverse samples, measures and contexts, we demonstrate that altering perceptions of genetic overlap between groups in conflict—in this case Arabs and Jews—impacts factors that are directly related to interethnic hostility (e.g., aggressive behaviors, support of conflict-related policies). Our findings indicate that learning about the genetic difference between oneself and an ethnic outgroup may contribute to the promotion of violence, whereas learning about the similarities may be a vital step toward fostering peace in some contexts. Possible interventions and implications are discussed.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\Y4T58VTE\Kimel et al. - 2016 - Living in a Genetic World How Learning About Interethnic Genetic Similarities and Differences Affec.pdf}
}

@article{kjaerLocalPartySystem2010,
  title = {Local {{Party System Nationalisation}}: {{Does Municipal Size Matter}}?},
  shorttitle = {Local {{Party System Nationalisation}}},
  author = {Kjaer, Ulrik and Elklit, Jørgen},
  date = {2010-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Local Government Studies},
  volume = {36},
  number = {3},
  pages = {425--444},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0300-3930},
  doi = {10.1080/03003931003730451},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03003931003730451},
  urldate = {2025-01-29},
  abstract = {Local party systems are not necessarily copies of their country's national party system. Some national parties do not field candidates in all municipalities, while in other municipalities there are non-partisan lists/local parties. In this article it is hypothesised that the larger the municipality (in number of inhabitants), the more the local party system will resemble the national party system (and vice versa). The hypothesis is tested using data from the 2001 local elections in Denmark. For this purpose, an index of local party system nationalisation is developed. The index is formulated in general terms so as to make it applicable in other settings and in comparisons between countries and over time.},
  keywords = {Denmark,index of local party system nationalisation,local party system,Party system},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\TK3R2HJ8\Kjaer and Elklit - 2010 - Local Party System Nationalisation Does Municipal Size Matter.pdf}
}

@article{kjaerLocalPartySystem2010a,
  title = {Local {{Party System Nationalisation}}: {{Does Municipal Size Matter}}?},
  shorttitle = {Local {{Party System Nationalisation}}},
  author = {Kjaer, Ulrik and Elklit, Jørgen},
  date = {2010-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Local Government Studies},
  volume = {36},
  number = {3},
  pages = {425--444},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0300-3930},
  doi = {10.1080/03003931003730451},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03003931003730451},
  urldate = {2025-01-29},
  abstract = {Local party systems are not necessarily copies of their country's national party system. Some national parties do not field candidates in all municipalities, while in other municipalities there are non-partisan lists/local parties. In this article it is hypothesised that the larger the municipality (in number of inhabitants), the more the local party system will resemble the national party system (and vice versa). The hypothesis is tested using data from the 2001 local elections in Denmark. For this purpose, an index of local party system nationalisation is developed. The index is formulated in general terms so as to make it applicable in other settings and in comparisons between countries and over time.},
  keywords = {Denmark,index of local party system nationalisation,local party system,Party system},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\G9R63EIC\Kjaer and Elklit - 2010 - Local Party System Nationalisation Does Municipal Size Matter.pdf}
}

@article{klemmensenGeneticsPoliticalParticipation2012,
  title = {The Genetics of Political Participation, Civic Duty, and Political Efficacy across Cultures: {{Denmark}} and the {{United States}}},
  shorttitle = {The Genetics of Political Participation, Civic Duty, and Political Efficacy across Cultures},
  author = {Klemmensen, Robert and Hatemi, Peter K and Hobolt, Sara Binzer and Petersen, Inge and Skytthe, Axel and Nørgaard, Asbjørn S},
  date = {2012-07-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Theoretical Politics},
  volume = {24},
  number = {3},
  pages = {409--427},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {0951-6298},
  doi = {10.1177/0951629812438984},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0951629812438984},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Recent studies have shown that variation in political attitudes and participation can be attributed to both genes and the environment. This finding raises the question of why genes matter to participation, and by which pathways. Two hypotheses suggest that feelings of civic duty and sense of political efficacy intermediate the relationship between genes and political participation and, thus, that these traits have a common heritable component. If so, how robust are the relationships across cultural contexts? Utilizing two new twin studies on political traits, one in Denmark and one in the United States, we show that the heritability of political participation and political efficacy is remarkably similar across cultures. Moreover, most of the covariation between efficacy and political participation is accounted for by a common underlying genetic component.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZL5ZWQVZ\Klemmensen et al. - 2012 - The genetics of political participation, civic dut.pdf}
}

@incollection{klingemannIdeologicalCongruenceChoice2017,
  title = {Ideological {{Congruence}}: {{Choice}}, {{Visibility}} and {{Clarity}}},
  shorttitle = {Ideological {{Congruence}}},
  booktitle = {Parties, {{Governments}} and {{Elites}}},
  author = {Klingemann, Hans-Dieter and Gancheva, Darina and Weßels, Bernhard},
  editor = {Harfst, Philipp and Kubbe, Ina and Poguntke, Thomas},
  date = {2017},
  pages = {53--72},
  publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden},
  location = {Wiesbaden},
  doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-17446-0_4},
  url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-658-17446-0_4},
  urldate = {2025-06-19},
  isbn = {978-3-658-17445-3 978-3-658-17446-0},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\SN4985FP\Klingemann et al. - 2017 - Ideological Congruence Choice, Visibility and Clarity.pdf}
}

@article{knutsenPrioritiesMaterialistPostMaterialist1989,
  title = {The {{Priorities}} of {{Materialist}} and {{Post}}‐{{Materialist Values}} in the {{Nordic Countries}} ‐ a {{Five}}‐{{Nation Comparison}}},
  author = {Knutsen, Oddbjørn},
  date = {1989-09},
  journaltitle = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  shortjournal = {Scand Pol Stud},
  volume = {12},
  number = {3},
  pages = {221--243},
  issn = {0080-6757, 1467-9477},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1989.tb00091.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1989.tb00091.x},
  urldate = {2024-10-25},
  abstract = {The present study takes the theory of post‐materialism as a point of departure and compares the priorities of materialist and post‐materialist values in the five Nordic countries (Denmark. Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden). The prevalence of political values in different countries is also examined, as is the relationship between materialist and post‐materialist values and age, from the perspective of whether generational replacement will contribute to the spread of post‐materialist values in the Nordic setting. Post‐materialist values are given relatively strong emphasis in the Nordic countries because the mass publics are less concerned with economic security values than those in other Western democracies. The priorities of political values have remained relatively stable at the aggregate level from the late 1970s to 1987, although there has been a slight tendency for the mass publics to become more materialist. In all countries the post‐war generations are more likely to support post‐materialist values than the older generations. The correlations between age and political values have become somewhat smaller over the last 6–12 years.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3EX7UK5E\Knutsen - 1989 - The Priorities of Materialist and Post‐Materialist.pdf}
}

@article{kongNatureNurtureEffects2018,
  title = {The Nature of Nurture: {{Effects}} of Parental Genotypes},
  shorttitle = {The Nature of Nurture},
  author = {Kong, Augustine and Thorleifsson, Gudmar and Frigge, Michael L. and Vilhjalmsson, Bjarni J. and Young, Alexander I. and Thorgeirsson, Thorgeir E. and Benonisdottir, Stefania and Oddsson, Asmundur and Halldorsson, Bjarni V. and Masson, Gisli and Gudbjartsson, Daniel F. and Helgason, Agnar and Bjornsdottir, Gyda and Thorsteinsdottir, Unnur and Stefansson, Kari},
  date = {2018-01-26},
  journaltitle = {Science},
  volume = {359},
  number = {6374},
  pages = {424--428},
  publisher = {American Association for the Advancement of Science},
  doi = {10.1126/science.aan6877},
  url = {https://www.science.org/doi/abs/10.1126/science.aan6877},
  urldate = {2025-06-12},
  abstract = {Sequence variants in the parental genomes that are not transmitted to a child (the proband) are often ignored in genetic studies. Here we show that nontransmitted alleles can affect a child through their impacts on the parents and other relatives, a phenomenon we call “genetic nurture.” Using results from a meta-analysis of educational attainment, we find that the polygenic score computed for the nontransmitted alleles of 21,637 probands with at least one parent genotyped has an estimated effect on the educational attainment of the proband that is 29.9\% (P = 1.6 × 10−14) of that of the transmitted polygenic score. Genetic nurturing effects of this polygenic score extend to other traits. Paternal and maternal polygenic scores have similar effects on educational attainment, but mothers contribute more than fathers to nutrition- and heath-related traits.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\CMJHLXX2\Kong et al. - 2018 - The nature of nurture Effects of parental genotypes.pdf}
}

@article{konitzerEthnocentrismGroupspecificStereotyping2019,
  title = {Ethnocentrism versus Group-Specific Stereotyping in Immigration Opinion: Cross-National Evidence on the Distinctiveness of Immigrant Groups},
  shorttitle = {Ethnocentrism versus Group-Specific Stereotyping in Immigration Opinion},
  author = {Konitzer, Tobias B. and Iyengar, Shanto and Valentino, Nicholas A. and Soroka, Stuart and Duch, Raymond M.},
  date = {2019-05-19},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies},
  volume = {45},
  number = {7},
  pages = {1051--1074},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1369-183X},
  doi = {10.1080/1369183X.2018.1431109},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2018.1431109},
  urldate = {2025-08-22},
  abstract = {While widespread resistance to immigration is well established in advanced democracies around the world, the role of group-specific stereotyping in anti-immigration sentiment has received limited attention. We derive a novel measurement model to assess stereotyping in three Anglo-Saxon democracies – the US, Canada, and the UK – of the modal outgroup in each country (Hispanics in the US and South Asians in Canada and the UK) and Middle Easterners/Muslims. We show that considerable variation exists in degree of stereotyping against the two major immigrant groups. In the US case, we additionally document over-time variation in group stereotyping. In a final step, we demonstrate a relationship between group antipathies and immigration policy views, akin to other policy domains in which public support varies by the ethnic characteristics of policy beneficiaries. To our knowledge, this study is the first to map stereotypes of Muslims in the US in a comparative setting and over time after 09/11, and amongst the first to link views on immigration policies to group-based stereotypes.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3I4ZHDLA\Konitzer et al. - 2019 - Ethnocentrism versus group-specific stereotyping in immigration opinion cross-national evidence on.pdf}
}

@article{kossowskaRelationshipNeedClosure2003,
  title = {The {{Relationship Between Need}} for {{Closure}} and {{Conservative Beliefs}} in {{Western}} and {{Eastern Europe}}},
  author = {Kossowska, Malgorzata and Hiel, Alain Van},
  date = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {24},
  number = {3},
  pages = {501--518},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/0162-895X.00338},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/0162-895X.00338},
  urldate = {2025-05-12},
  abstract = {This work explored the hypothesis that need for closure is associated with the adoption of conservative ideology. Two different studies on eastern and western European samples (Polish and Flemish) supported the hypothesis that need for closure—as measured by Webster and Kruglanski's (1994) Need for Closure Scale—is related to conservative beliefs. However, in the second study, a negative relationship between need for closure and economic conservatism in the Polish sample was noted, whereas a positive relationship occurred in the Flemish sample. These results may be accounted for by the Need for Simple Structure factor of Neuberg, Judice, and West (1997) and by specific rather than non-specific epistemic processes.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {conservatism,cross-cultural differences,motivated social cognition,need for closure,political beliefs},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\D56F7PFN\0162-895X.html}
}

@article{kraftWhyPeopleDont2015,
  title = {Why {{People}} “{{Don}}’t {{Trust}} the {{Evidence}}”: {{Motivated Reasoning}} and {{Scientific Beliefs}}},
  shorttitle = {Why {{People}} “{{Don}}’t {{Trust}} the {{Evidence}}”},
  author = {Kraft, Patrick W. and Lodge, Milton and Taber, Charles S.},
  date = {2015-03-01},
  journaltitle = {The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
  volume = {658},
  number = {1},
  pages = {121--133},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0002-7162},
  doi = {10.1177/0002716214554758},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716214554758},
  urldate = {2025-09-18},
  abstract = {In this commentary, we embed the volume’s contributions on public beliefs about science in a broader theoretical discussion of motivated political reasoning. The studies presented in the preceding section of the volume consistently find evidence for hyperskepticism toward scientific evidence among ideologues, no matter the domain or context—and this skepticism seems to be stronger among conservatives than liberals. Here, we show that these patterns can be understood as part of a general tendency among individuals to defend their prior attitudes and actively challenge attitudinally incongruent arguments, a tendency that appears to be evident among liberals and conservatives alike. We integrate the empirical results reported in this volume into a broader theoretical discussion of the John Q. Public model of information processing and motivated reasoning, which posits that both affective and cognitive reactions to events are triggered unconsciously. We find that the work in this volume is largely consistent with our theories of affect-driven motivated reasoning and biased attitude formation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\I6FUTUZP\Kraft et al. - 2015 - Why People “Don’t Trust the Evidence” Motivated Reasoning and Scientific Beliefs.pdf}
}

@article{kriesiIndividualOpinionFormation2002,
  title = {Individual {{Opinion Formation}} in a {{Direct Democratic Campaign}}},
  author = {Kriesi, Hanspeter},
  date = {2002-01},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  shortjournal = {Brit. J. Polit. Sci.},
  volume = {32},
  number = {01},
  issn = {0007-1234, 1469-2112},
  doi = {10.1017/S0007123402210078},
  url = {http://www.journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0007123402210078},
  urldate = {2024-09-23},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\E8YPADCF\Kriesi - 2002 - Individual Opinion Formation in a Direct Democrati.pdf}
}

@article{krosnickAttitudeStrengthOne,
  title = {Attitude {{Strength}}: {{One Construct}} or {{Many Related Constructs}}?},
  author = {Krosnick, Jon A and Boninger, David S and Chuang, Yao C and Berent, Matthew K and Camot, Catherine G},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2UNS2ATW\Krosnick et al. - Attitude Strength One Construct or Many Related Constructs.pdf}
}

@article{krosnickComparisonsPartyIdentification1993,
  title = {Comparisons of {{Party Identification}} and {{Policy Preferences}}: {{The Impact}} of {{Survey Question Format}}},
  shorttitle = {Comparisons of {{Party Identification}} and {{Policy Preferences}}},
  author = {Krosnick, Jon A. and Berent, Matthew K.},
  date = {1993},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {37},
  number = {3},
  eprint = {2111580},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {941--964},
  publisher = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  doi = {10.2307/2111580},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2111580},
  urldate = {2025-08-04},
  abstract = {Much research has suggested that citizens' political party affiliations are more persistent over time and more psychologically consequential than are their attitudes toward government policies. However, most surveys have measured party identification with branching questions in which all response alternatives were verbally labeled, whereas policy preferences have typically been measured using nonbranching questions with incomplete verbal labeling of response alternatives. We report eight experiments, involving telephone interviewing, face-to-face interviewing, and self-administered questionnaires, demonstrating that fully labeled branching measures of party identification and policy attitudes are more reliable than partially labeled nonbranching measures of those attitudes. This difference seems to be attributable to effects of both verbal labeling and branching. Thus, it appears that previous findings regarding differences between party identification and policy preferences are partly due to the failure to equate the formats of survey questions measuring those attitudes.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JPZ5Y7IL\Krosnick and Berent - 1993 - Comparisons of Party Identification and Policy Preferences The Impact of Survey Question Format.pdf}
}

@article{kruglanskiGroupsEpistemicProviders2006,
  title = {Groups as Epistemic Providers: {{Need}} for Closure and the Unfolding of Group-Centrism},
  shorttitle = {Groups as Epistemic Providers},
  author = {Kruglanski, Arie W. and Pierro, Antonio and Mannetti, Lucia and De Grada, Eraldo},
  date = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Review},
  volume = {113},
  number = {1},
  pages = {84--100},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-1471},
  doi = {10.1037/0033-295X.113.1.84},
  abstract = {Theory and research are presented relating the need for cognitive closure to major facets of group behavior. It is suggested that a high need for closure, whether it is based on members' disposition or the situation, contributes to the emergence of a behavioral syndrome describable as group-centrism--a pattern that includes pressures to opinion uniformity, encouragement of autocratic leadership, in-group favoritism, rejection of deviates, resistance to change, conservatism, and the perpetuation of group norms. These theoretical predictions are borne out by laboratory and field research in diverse settings. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Epistemology,Group Dynamics,Psychological Needs,Social Cognition,Social Identity},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\84P4N6V5\2006-01885-004.html}
}

@article{kruglanskiGroupsEpistemicProviders2006a,
  title = {Groups as Epistemic Providers: {{Need}} for Closure and the Unfolding of Group-Centrism},
  shorttitle = {Groups as Epistemic Providers},
  author = {Kruglanski, Arie W. and Pierro, Antonio and Mannetti, Lucia and De Grada, Eraldo},
  date = {2006-01},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Review},
  shortjournal = {Psychological Review},
  volume = {113},
  number = {1},
  pages = {84--100},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  issn = {0033-295X},
  doi = {10.1037/0033-295X.113.1.84},
  url = {http://ezproxy.its.uu.se/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=pdh&AN=2006-01885-004&site=ehost-live&scope=site},
  urldate = {2025-05-26},
  abstract = {Theory and research are presented relating the need for cognitive closure to major facets of group behavior. It is suggested that a high need for closure, whether it is based on members' disposition or the situation, contributes to the emergence of a behavioral syndrome describable as group-centrism--a pattern that includes pressures to opinion uniformity, encouragement of autocratic leadership, in-group favoritism, rejection of deviates, resistance to change, conservatism, and the perpetuation of group norms. These theoretical predictions are borne out by laboratory and field research in diverse settings. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Cognition,Cues,epistemic providers,Epistemology,Group Dynamics,Group Processes,group-centrism,Humans,Knowledge,need for closure,Perceptual Closure,Psychological Needs,Self Concept,shared reality,Social Behavior,Social Cognition,Social Identity,Social Perception},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\QTCCJGGQ\Kruglanski et al. - 2006 - Groups as epistemic providers Need for closure and the unfolding of group-centrism.pdf}
}

@article{kruglanskiKruglanskiPierroManetti,
  title = {Kruglanski, {{A W}}., {{Pierro}}, {{A}}., {{Manetti}}, {{L}}. \&amp; {{De Grada}}, {{E}}. (2006). {{Groups}} as Epistemic Providers- {{Need}} for Closure and the Unfolding of Group Centrism},
  author = {Kruglanski, Arie},
  url = {https://www.academia.edu/7445762/Kruglanski_A_W_Pierro_A_Manetti_L_and_De_Grada_E_2006_Groups_as_epistemic_providers_Need_for_closure_and_the_unfolding_of_group_centrism},
  urldate = {2024-06-08},
  abstract = {Kruglanski, A W., Pierro, A., Manetti, L. \& De Grada, E. (2006). Groups as epistemic providers- Need for closure and the unfolding of group centrism},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\59VJ3Z2V\Kruglanski_A_W_Pierro_A_Manetti_L_and_De_Grada_E_2006_Groups_as_epistemic_providers_Need_for_cl.html}
}

@article{kruglanskiMakingViolentExtremists2018,
  title = {The {{Making}} of {{Violent Extremists}}},
  author = {Kruglanski, Arie and Jasko, Katarzyna and Webber, David and Chernikova, Marina and Molinario, Erica},
  date = {2018-03},
  journaltitle = {Review of General Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Review of General Psychology},
  volume = {22},
  number = {1},
  pages = {107--120},
  issn = {1089-2680, 1939-1552},
  doi = {10.1037/gpr0000144},
  url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1037/gpr0000144},
  urldate = {2024-04-03},
  abstract = {The authors outline a psychological model of extremism and analyze violent extremism as a special case of it. Their significance quest theory identifies 3 general drivers of violent extremism: need, narrative, and network. The theory asserts that the need for personal significance—the desire to matter, to “be someone,” and to have meaning in one’s life—is the dominant need that underlies violent extremism. A violence-justifying ideological narrative contributes to radicalization by delineating a collective cause that can earn an individual the significance and meaning he or she desires, as well as an appropriate means with which to pursue that cause. Lastly, a network of people who subscribe to that narrative leads individuals to perceive the violence-justifying narrative as cognitively accessible and morally acceptable. The authors describe empirical evidence for the theory, which was tested on a wide variety of samples across different cultures and geopolitical contexts. They go on to offer a general road map to guide efforts to counter and prevent violent extremism in its various forms.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\K5HCKY3D\Kruglanski et al. - 2018 - The Making of Violent Extremists.pdf}
}

@article{kruglanskiMotivatedClosingMind1996,
  title = {Motivated Closing of the Mind: "{{Seizing}}" and "Freezing."},
  shorttitle = {Motivated Closing of the Mind},
  author = {Kruglanski, Arie W. and Webster, Donna M.},
  date = {1996},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Review},
  volume = {103},
  number = {2},
  pages = {263--283},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-1471},
  doi = {10.1037/0033-295X.103.2.263},
  abstract = {A theoretical framework is outlined in which the key construct is the need for (nonspecific) cognitive closure. The need for closure is a desire for definite knowledge on some issue. It represents a dimension of stable individual differences as well as a situationally evocable state. The need for closure has widely ramifying consequences for social-cognitive phenomena at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, and group levels of analysis. Those consequences derive from 2 general tendencies, those of urgency and permanence. The urgency tendency represents an individual's inclination to attain closure as soon as possible, and the permanence tendency represents an individual's inclination to maintain it for as long as possible. Empirical evidence for present theory attests to diverse need for closure effects on fundamental social psychological phenomena, including impression formation, stereotyping, attribution, persuasion, group decision making, and language use in intergroup contexts. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Cognitive Processes,Knowledge Level,Social Psychology},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\8UVWVJ9I\\Kruglanski - Motivated Closingof the Mind Seizing and Freezing'.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\PNHPJ7J6\\1996-01742-003.html}
}

@article{kruglanskiMotivatedClosingofMind,
  title = {Motivated {{Closingof}} the {{Mind}}: "{{Seizing}}" and "{{Freezing}}'},
  author = {Kruglanski, W},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FIT7369B\Kruglanski - Motivated Closingof the Mind Seizing and Freezing'.pdf}
}

@article{ksiazkiewiczRoleCognitiveStyle2016,
  title = {The {{Role}} of {{Cognitive Style}} in the {{Link Between Genes}} and {{Political Ideology}}},
  author = {Ksiazkiewicz, Aleksander and Ludeke, Steven and Krueger, Robert},
  date = {2016-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {37},
  number = {6},
  pages = {761--776},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12318},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12318},
  urldate = {2024-03-05},
  abstract = {There is growing interest in how genes affect political beliefs. To better understand the role of genes in politics, we examine the relationship between cognitive style (the need for cognition, the need for cognitive closure) and various measures of political attitudes (issue-based ideology, identity-based ideology, social ideology, economic ideology, authoritarianism, and egalitarianism). We show, for the first time, that the need for cognition and the need for cognitive closure are heritable and are linked to political ideology primarily, perhaps solely, because of shared genetic influences; these links are stronger for social than economic ideology. Although prior research demonstrated that Openness to Experience shares genetic variance with political ideology, we find that these measures of cognitive style account for distinct genetic variance in political ideology. Moreover, the genetic Openness-ideology link is fully accounted for by the need for cognition. This combination of findings provides a clearer understanding of the role of genes in political beliefs and suggests new directions for research on Big Five personality traits and ideology.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\KSU6ISPE\Ksiazkiewicz et al. - 2016 - The Role of Cognitive Style in the Link Between Ge.pdf}
}

@article{ksiazkiewiczRoleGenesEnvironments2017,
  title = {The {{Role}} of {{Genes}} and {{Environments}} in {{Linking}} the {{Need}} to {{Evaluate}} with {{Political Ideology}} and {{Political Extremity}}},
  author = {Ksiazkiewicz, Aleksander and Krueger, Robert F.},
  date = {2017-12},
  journaltitle = {Social Justice Research},
  shortjournal = {Soc Just Res},
  volume = {30},
  number = {4},
  pages = {381--407},
  issn = {0885-7466, 1573-6725},
  doi = {10.1007/s11211-017-0292-3},
  url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11211-017-0292-3},
  urldate = {2024-03-27},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\U9QYIZ5G\Ksiazkiewicz and Krueger - 2017 - The Role of Genes and Environments in Linking the .pdf}
}

@article{ksiazkiewiczSourcesStabilitySocial2020,
  title = {Sources of {{Stability}} in {{Social}} and {{Economic Ideological Orientations}}: {{Cohort}}, {{Context}}, and {{Construct Effects}}},
  shorttitle = {Sources of {{Stability}} in {{Social}} and {{Economic Ideological Orientations}}},
  author = {Ksiazkiewicz, Aleksander and Klemmensen, Robert and Dawes, Christopher T and Christensen, Kaare and McGue, Matt and Krueger, Robert F and Nørgaard, Asbjørn Sonne},
  date = {2020-12-23},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  volume = {32},
  number = {4},
  pages = {711--730},
  issn = {0954-2892, 1471-6909},
  doi = {10.1093/ijpor/edz047},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/ijpor/article/32/4/711/5702180},
  urldate = {2024-03-11},
  abstract = {Existing research shows that ideological orientations are stable after young adulthood. Extending research on the sources of ideological stability, we examine social and economic ideology over a 3- to 4-year period in two twin panels (one Danish and one American). We find evidence for the importance of genetic influences and individual life experiences on the stability of social ideology in both contexts; shared environmental factors play an important role in the younger, Danish sample only. For economic ideology, genetic factors contribute to stability in the American sample only. Our findings show that the role of genetic and environmental factors in the stability of ideological orientations varies by type of ideology, national context, and, possibly, age cohort.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\VSLS5ZMV\Ksiazkiewicz et al. - 2020 - Sources of Stability in Social and Economic Ideolo.pdf}
}

@article{kteilyIdeologyPsychologicalSimilarities2025,
  title = {Ideology: {{Psychological Similarities}} and {{Differences Across}} the {{Ideological Spectrum Reexamined}}},
  shorttitle = {Ideology},
  author = {Kteily, Nour S. and Brandt, Mark J.},
  date = {2025-01},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Annu Rev Psychol},
  volume = {76},
  number = {1},
  eprint = {39481018},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {501--529},
  issn = {1545-2085},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev-psych-020124-115253},
  abstract = {A key debate in the psychology of ideology is whether leftists and rightists are psychologically similar or different. A long-standing view holds that left-wing and right-wing people are meaningfully different from one another across a whole host of basic personality and cognitive features. Scholars have recently pushed back, suggesting that left-wing and right-wing people are more psychologically similar than distinct. We review evidence regarding the psychological profiles of left-wing and right-wing people across a wide variety of domains, including their dispositions (values, personality, cognitive rigidity, threat-sensitivity, and authoritarianism), information processing (motivated reasoning and susceptibility to misinformation), and their interpersonal perceptions and behaviors (empathy, prejudice, stereotyping, and violence). Our review paints a nuanced picture: People across the ideological divide are much more similar than scholars sometimes appreciate. And yet, they differ-to varying degrees-in their personality, values, and (perhaps most importantly) in the groups and causes they prioritize, with important implications for downstream attitudes and behavior in the world.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {authoritarianism,Authoritarianism,Humans,ideological asymmetry,ideology,misinformation,motivated reasoning,Personality,Politics,prejudice,Social Perception,Stereotyping},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8FNJPM6L\Kteily and Brandt - 2025 - Ideology Psychological Similarities and Differences Across the Ideological Spectrum Reexamined.pdf}
}

@article{kuklinskiReconsideringRationalPublic,
  title = {Reconsidering the {{Rational Public}}: {{Cognition}}, {{Heuristics}}, and {{Mass Opinion}}},
  author = {Kuklinski, James H and Quirk, Paul J},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\XTHMZ5WT\Kuklinski and Quirk - Reconsidering the Rational Public Cognition, Heuristics, and Mass Opinion.pdf}
}

@article{kumarWhyPoliticalScientists2023,
  title = {Why {{Political Scientists Should Study Smaller Cities}}},
  author = {Kumar, Tanu and Stenberg, Matthew},
  date = {2023-11-01},
  journaltitle = {Urban Affairs Review},
  volume = {59},
  number = {6},
  pages = {2005--2042},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1078-0874},
  doi = {10.1177/10780874221124610},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874221124610},
  urldate = {2025-01-29},
  abstract = {In the past 20 years, Political Science research has increasingly focused on urban and local politics. We systematically review this literature and find that smaller cities are disproportionally underrepresented, particularly outside the United States. Smaller cities exhibit economic, social, and political patterns that differ from those in large metropolitan areas. Using administrative data and existing research, we show how cities of different sizes vary in their demographic characteristics; citizens’ preferences; resources and capacity; intergovernmental relationships; and electoral politics. These patterns indicate the potential to update existing theories in Political Science, including those about gender and political participation, second-order elections, and intergovernmental relationships. We suggest that scholars consider how smaller cities might differ from larger cities and include smaller municipalities in their case study research. We also highlight political issues unique to small cities as new areas of inquiry.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JM5493VV\Kumar and Stenberg - 2023 - Why Political Scientists Should Study Smaller Cities.pdf}
}

@article{kundaCaseMotivatedReasoning1990,
  title = {The Case for Motivated Reasoning.},
  author = {Kunda, Ziva},
  date = {1990-11-01},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Bulletin},
  shortjournal = {Psychological Bulletin},
  volume = {108},
  number = {3},
  pages = {480--498},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  issn = {1939-1455},
  doi = {10.1037/0033-2909.108.3.480},
  url = {https://research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=65343655-e3b9-3699-aec6-509b6b59a009},
  urldate = {2025-10-09},
  abstract = {It is proposed that motivation may affect reasoning through reliance on a biased set of cognitive processes—that is, strategies for accessing, constructing, and evaluating beliefs. The motivation to be accurate enhances use of those beliefs and strategies that are considered most appropriate, whereas the motivation to arrive at particular conclusions enhances use of those that are considered most likely to yield the desired conclusion. There is considerable evidence that people are more likely to arrive at conclusions that they want to arrive at, but their ability to do so is constrained by their ability to construct seemingly reasonable justifications for these conclusions. These ideas can account for a wide variety of research concerned with motivated reasoning. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved)},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Literature Review,Motivation,Reasoning},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JGYLZGJ6\Kunda - 1990 - The case for motivated reasoning..pdf}
}

@article{kweonAssociationsCommonGenetic2025,
  title = {Associations between Common Genetic Variants and Income Provide Insights about the Socio-Economic Health Gradient},
  author = {Kweon, Hyeokmoon and Burik, Casper A. P. and Ning, Yuchen and Ahlskog, Rafael and Xia, Charley and Abner, Erik and Bao, Yanchun and Bhatta, Laxmi and Faquih, Tariq O. and family=Feijter, given=Maud, prefix=de, useprefix=true and Fisher, Paul and Gelemanović, Andrea and Giannelis, Alexandros and Hottenga, Jouke-Jan and Khalili, Bita and Lee, Yunsung and Li-Gao, Ruifang and Masso, Jaan and Myhre, Ronny and Palviainen, Teemu and Rietveld, Cornelius A. and Teumer, Alexander and Verweij, Renske M. and Willoughby, Emily A. and Agerbo, Esben and Bergmann, Sven and Boomsma, Dorret I. and Børglum, Anders D. and Brumpton, Ben M. and Davies, Neil Martin and Esko, Tõnu and Gordon, Scott D. and Homuth, Georg and Ikram, M. Arfan and Johannesson, Magnus and Kaprio, Jaakko and Kidd, Michael P. and Kutalik, Zoltán and Kwong, Alex S. F. and Lee, James J. and Luik, Annemarie I. and Magnus, Per and Marques-Vidal, Pedro and Martin, Nicholas G. and Mook-Kanamori, Dennis O. and Mortensen, Preben Bo and Oskarsson, Sven and Pedersen, Emil M. and Polašek, Ozren and Rosendaal, Frits R. and Smart, Melissa C. and Snieder, Harold and family=Most, given=Peter J., prefix=van der, useprefix=true and Vollenweider, Peter and Völzke, Henry and Willemsen, Gonneke and Beauchamp, Jonathan P. and DiPrete, Thomas A. and Linnér, Richard Karlsson and Lu, Qiongshi and Morris, Tim T. and Okbay, Aysu and Harden, K. Paige and Abdellaoui, Abdel and Hill, W. David and family=Vlaming, given=Ronald, prefix=de, useprefix=true and Benjamin, Daniel J. and Koellinger, Philipp D.},
  date = {2025-01-28},
  journaltitle = {Nature Human Behaviour},
  shortjournal = {Nat Hum Behav},
  pages = {1--12},
  publisher = {Nature Publishing Group},
  issn = {2397-3374},
  doi = {10.1038/s41562-024-02080-7},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-024-02080-7},
  urldate = {2025-01-29},
  abstract = {We conducted a genome-wide association study on income among individuals of European descent (N\,=\,668,288) to investigate the relationship between socio-economic status and health disparities. We identified 162 genomic loci associated with a common genetic factor underlying various income measures, all with small effect sizes (the Income Factor). Our polygenic index captures 1–5\% of income variance, with only one fourth due to direct genetic effects. A phenome-wide association study using this index showed reduced risks for diseases including hypertension, obesity, type 2 diabetes, depression, asthma and back pain. The Income Factor had a substantial genetic correlation (0.92, s.e.\,=\,0.006) with educational attainment. Accounting for the genetic overlap of educational attainment with income revealed that the remaining genetic signal was linked to better mental health but reduced physical health and increased risky behaviours such as drinking and smoking. These findings highlight the complex genetic influences on income and health.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Economics,Genome-wide association studies},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\CGJV4IWX\Kweon et al. - 2025 - Associations between common genetic variants and income provide insights about the socio-economic he.pdf}
}

@article{laaksoEffectiveNumberParties1979,
  title = {“{{Effective}}” {{Number}} of {{Parties}}: {{A Measure}} with {{Application}} to {{West Europe}}},
  shorttitle = {“{{Effective}}” {{Number}} of {{Parties}}},
  author = {Laakso, Markku and Taagepera, Rein},
  date = {1979-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {12},
  number = {1},
  pages = {3--27},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/001041407901200101},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/001041407901200101},
  urldate = {2025-04-23},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\64NB9U6J\Laakso and Taagepera - 1979 - “Effective” Number of Parties A Measure with Application to West Europe.pdf}
}

@article{lacyTestingProximityDirectional2010,
  title = {Testing Proximity versus Directional Voting Using Experiments},
  author = {Lacy, Dean and Paolino, Philip},
  date = {2010-09-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  series = {Special {{Symposium}}: {{Voters}} and {{Coalition Governments}}},
  volume = {29},
  number = {3},
  pages = {460--471},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2010.04.008},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379410000478},
  urldate = {2024-11-06},
  abstract = {A long-running debate about how voters use issues to evaluate candidates pits the proximity theory of voting against directional theory. Using surveys, both sides of the debate have found support for their preferred theory, but disagreement remains because of differing ways of analyzing the data. Lewis and King (2000) point out that these researchers make assumptions that bias results in favor of their theory. To avoid these difficulties, our approach creates fictitious candidates with controlled positions, presents these candidates to randomly-assigned subjects, and examines the relationship between subjects’ evaluations of these candidates and their ideological beliefs as a neutral test of proximity and directional theory. Our results provide reasonably strong support for proximity theory but little for directional theory.},
  keywords = {Directional,Experiment,Issue voting,Proximity}
}

@article{lammersPoliticalDomainAppears2017,
  title = {The Political Domain Appears Simpler to the Politically Extreme than to Political Moderates},
  author = {Lammers, Joris and Koch, Alex and Conway, Paul and Brandt, Mark J.},
  date = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Social Psychological and Personality Science},
  volume = {8},
  number = {6},
  pages = {612--622},
  publisher = {Sage Publications},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1948-5514},
  doi = {10.1177/1948550616678456},
  abstract = {How does political preference affect categorization in the political domain? Eight studies demonstrate that people on both ends of the political spectrum—strong Republicans and strong Democrats—form simpler and more clustered categories of political stimuli than do moderates and neutrals. This pattern was obtained regardless of whether stimuli were politicians (Study 1), social groups (Study 2), or newspapers (Study 3). Furthermore, both strong Republicans and strong Democrats were more likely to make inferences about the world based on their clustered categorization. This was found for estimating the likelihood that geographical location determines voting (Study 4), that political preference determines personal taste (Study 5), and that social relationships determine political preference (Study 6). The effect is amplified if political ideology is salient (Study 7) and remains after controlling for differences in political sophistication (Study 8). The political domain appears simpler to the politically extreme than to political moderates. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Classification (Cognitive Process),Politics},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\X6LLRL48\Lammers et al. - 2017 - The political domain appears simpler to the politi.pdf}
}

@article{lanzVoteYouThink2015,
  title = {Vote as You {{Think}}: {{Determinants}} of {{Consistent Decision Making}} in {{Direct Democracy}}},
  shorttitle = {Vote as You {{Think}}},
  author = {Lanz, Simon and Nai, Alessandro},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Swiss Political Science Review},
  volume = {21},
  number = {1},
  pages = {119--139},
  issn = {1662-6370},
  doi = {10.1111/spsr.12126},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/spsr.12126},
  urldate = {2024-08-13},
  abstract = {This study investigates the conditions under which Swiss citizens take consistent decisions, that is, decisions that reflect their argument-based opinions, during direct-democratic ballots. In line with recent work on cognitive political behavior, we expect the drivers of consistent voting to be found at the individual and contextual level. At the individual level, we argue that political knowledge positively affects consistent decisions. At the contextual level, we anticipate a positive effect for campaign intensity, complexity and negativism. We estimate hierarchical logistic models based on VOX survey data (1999-2005) and original data that captures the nature of political campaigns. Our results support our expectations for the situational level and (partially) for the individual factors.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Campaigning,Consistent decisions,Direct democracy,Hierarchical models,Initiatives,Political knowledge,Referendums,Switzerland},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DJVYYWCP\Lanz and Nai - 2015 - Vote as you Think Determinants of Consistent Deci.pdf}
}

@article{larsenMunicipalSizeDemocracy2002,
  title = {Municipal {{Size}} and {{Democracy}}: {{A Critical Analysis}} of the {{Argument}} of {{Proximity Based}} on the {{Case}} of {{Denmark}}},
  shorttitle = {Municipal {{Size}} and {{Democracy}}},
  author = {Larsen, Christian Albrekt},
  date = {2002},
  journaltitle = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
  volume = {25},
  number = {4},
  pages = {317--332},
  issn = {1467-9477},
  doi = {10.1111/1467-9477.00074},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-9477.00074},
  urldate = {2025-01-29},
  abstract = {The Nordic welfare states are based on a unique system of highly decentralized municipalities. However, in Denmark a discussion about merging municipalities has emerged. The discussion has kept within the framework of the classic dichotomy between capacity and proximity, or been limited to considerations of effectiveness versus democracy. The assumptions behind both arguments can be nuanced and problematized, and a new study, based on an extensive set of data, analyses the basic assumptions behind the argument of proximity. In accordance with earlier studies, it finds that participation is higher in small municipalities. However, municipal size does not affect citizens’ interest in and knowledge of local politics. Nor does it affect citizens’ perception of local politicians and their trust in local political decisions. This is surprising, given previous research in this area.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\RQM56LPM\\Larsen - 2002 - Municipal Size and Democracy A Critical Analysis of the Argument of Proximity Based on the Case of.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\FLYCJFQG\\1467-9477.html}
}

@article{lauAdvantagesDisadvantagesCognitive2001,
  title = {Advantages and {{Disadvantages}} of {{Cognitive Heuristics}} in {{Political Decision Making}}},
  author = {Lau, Richard R. and Redlawsk, David P.},
  date = {2001},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {45},
  number = {4},
  eprint = {2669334},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {951--971},
  publisher = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  doi = {10.2307/2669334},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2669334},
  urldate = {2024-08-14},
  abstract = {This article challenges the often untested assumption that cognitive "heuristics" improve the decision-making abilities of everyday voters. The potential benefits and costs of five common political heuristics are discussed. A new dynamic process-tracing methodology is employed to directly observe the use of these five heuristics by voters in a mock presidential election campaign. We find that cognitive heuristics are at times employed by almost all voters and that they are particularly likely to be used when the choice situation facing voters is complex. A hypothesized interaction between political sophistication and heuristic use on the quality of decision making is obtained across several different experiments, however. As predicted, heuristic use generally increases the probability of a correct vote by political experts but decreases the probability of a correct vote by novices. A situation in which experts can be led astray by heuristic use is also illustrated. Discussion focuses on the implications of these findings for strategies to increase input from under-represented groups into the political process.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\SZDGXPSW\Lau and Redlawsk - 2001 - Advantages and Disadvantages of Cognitive Heuristi.pdf}
}

@article{lauCorrectVotingThirtyThree2014,
  title = {Correct {{Voting Across Thirty-Three Democracies}}: {{A Preliminary Analysis}}},
  shorttitle = {Correct {{Voting Across Thirty-Three Democracies}}},
  author = {Lau, Richard R. and Patel, Parina and Fahmy, Dalia F. and Kaufman, Robert R.},
  date = {2014-04},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {44},
  number = {2},
  pages = {239--259},
  issn = {0007-1234, 1469-2112},
  doi = {10.1017/S0007123412000610},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/british-journal-of-political-science/article/correct-voting-across-thirtythree-democracies-a-preliminary-analysis/9F7AF9B6A6EF9CAA95D8CD8539908E3D},
  urldate = {2024-08-13},
  abstract = {This article extends Lau and Redlawsk's notion of correct voting – whether voters, under conditions of uncertainty, choose the alternative they would have chosen had they been fully informed about the issues and candidates in that election – to sixty-nine elections in thirty-three established and emerging democracies around the world. At the individual level, political sophistication, political experience and motivation all significantly predict the probability of casting a correct vote. However several institutional factors proved to be even more important. In particular, elections with more parties running – and settings that encourage candidate-centred voting – decrease the probability of correct voting, while more ideologically distinctive alternatives, clearer lines of responsibility and greater media access to information are associated with higher rates of correct voting.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LYZMWTGZ\Lau et al. - 2014 - Correct Voting Across Thirty-Three Democracies A .pdf}
}

@article{lauExplorationCorrectVoting2008,
  title = {An {{Exploration}} of {{Correct Voting}} in {{Recent U}}.{{S}}. {{Presidential Elections}}},
  author = {Lau, Richard R. and Andersen, David J. and Redlawsk, David P.},
  date = {2008},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {52},
  number = {2},
  pages = {395--411},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00319.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00319.x},
  urldate = {2024-08-14},
  abstract = {Lau and Redlawsk (1997) proposed that the quality of voter decision making can be evaluated by measuring what they called correct voting—the extent to which people vote in accordance with their own values and priorities—but in so doing provided little guidance about what actually determines whether voters can make such high-quality decisions. This article develops a framework for analyzing the vote decision that views the quality of decision making as a joint function of individual characteristics and various higher-level campaign factors. We hypothesize that differences in cognitive capacity, political motivation, the availability of political heuristics, and macrolevel factors that affect the difficulty of the choice confronting citizens, including the nature of the political information environment, should all affect the probability of a correct vote. We find significant support for seven proposed hypotheses across three levels of analysis, which places responsibility for incorrect votes on both the individual and our electoral system.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\8ZWRJR2U\\Lau et al. - 2008 - An Exploration of Correct Voting in Recent U.S. Pr.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\L9D2FQRJ\\j.1540-5907.2008.00319.html}
}

@book{lauHowVotersDecide2006,
  title = {How {{Voters Decide}}: {{Information Processing}} in {{Election Campaigns}}},
  shorttitle = {How {{Voters Decide}}},
  author = {Lau, Richard R. and Redlawsk, David P.},
  date = {2006-06-26},
  edition = {1},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511791048},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9780511791048/type/book},
  urldate = {2025-10-09},
  abstract = {This book attempts to redirect the field of voting behavior research by proposing a paradigm-shifting framework for studying voter decision making. An innovative experimental methodology is presented for getting 'inside the heads' of citizens as they confront the overwhelming rush of information from modern presidential election campaigns. Four broad theoretically-defined types of decision strategies that voters employ to help decide which candidate to support are described and operationally-defined. Individual and campaign-related factors that lead voters to adopt one or another of these strategies are examined. Most importantly, this research proposes a new normative focus for the scientific study of voting behavior: we should care about not just which candidate received the most votes, but also how many citizens voted correctly - that is, in accordance with their own fully-informed preferences.},
  isbn = {978-0-521-84859-6 978-0-521-61306-4 978-0-511-79104-8},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BPTTJEYT\Lau and Redlawsk - 2006 - How Voters Decide Information Processing in Election Campaigns.pdf}
}

@article{lauOlderWiserEffects2008,
  title = {Older but {{Wiser}}? {{Effects}} of {{Age}} on {{Political Cognition}}},
  shorttitle = {Older but {{Wiser}}?},
  author = {Lau, Richard R. and Redlawsk, David P.},
  date = {2008-01},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  shortjournal = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {70},
  number = {1},
  pages = {168--185},
  issn = {0022-3816, 1468-2508},
  doi = {10.1017/S0022381607080127},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1017/S0022381607080127},
  urldate = {2025-06-10},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZVT4UDYX\Lau and Redlawsk - 2008 - Older but Wiser Effects of Age on Political Cognition.pdf}
}

@article{lauVotingCorrectly1997,
  title = {Voting {{Correctly}}},
  author = {Lau, Richard R. and Redlawsk, David P.},
  date = {1997-09},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  shortjournal = {Am Polit Sci Rev},
  volume = {91},
  number = {3},
  pages = {585--598},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.2307/2952076},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055400210988/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-08-13},
  abstract = {The average voter falls far short of the prescriptions of classic democratic theory in terms of interest, knowledge, and participation in politics. We suggest a more realistic standard: Citizens fulfill their democratic duties if, most of the time, they vote “correctly.” Relying on an operationalization of correct voting based on fully informed interests, we present experimental data showing that, most of the time, people do indeed manage to vote correctly. We also show that voters' determinations of their correct vote choices can be predicted reasonably well with widely available survey data. We illustrate how this measure can be used to determine the proportion of the electorate voting correctly, which we calculate at about 75\% for the five American presidential elections between 1972 and 1988. With a standard for correct vote decisions, political science can turn to exploring the factors that make it more likely that people will vote correctly.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\AHT29SV5\Lau and Redlawsk - 1997 - Voting Correctly.pdf}
}

@article{lavineRelationshipAttitudeInvolvement2000,
  title = {On the {{Relationship Between Attitude Involvement}} and {{Attitude Accessibility}}: {{Toward}} a {{Cognitive-Motivational Model}} of {{Political Information Processing}}},
  shorttitle = {On the {{Relationship Between Attitude Involvement}} and {{Attitude Accessibility}}},
  author = {Lavine, Howard and Borgida, Eugene and Sullivan, John L.},
  date = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {21},
  number = {1},
  pages = {81--106},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/0162-895X.00178},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/0162-895X.00178},
  urldate = {2025-03-11},
  abstract = {A model of the relationship between attitude involvement and attitude accessibilitywas developed and tested. The model specifies that attitude involvement leads to selective(biased) issue-related information-gathering strategies, which in turn produce extreme andunivalent (unambivalent) attitudes. Finally, attitudes associated with univalent and extremeunderlying structures should occasion relatively little decision conflict and thus should be highlyaccessible. Questionnaire response data gathered in a national telephone survey and from twosamples of undergraduates revealed that both attitude extremity and attitude ambivalence onselected political issues mediated the relationship between attitude involvement and attitudeaccessibility. Some findings indicated that selective processing mediated the relationshipbetween attitude involvement and attitude extremity and ambivalence. Discussion focuses on theprocesses linking involvement to accessibility, the factors that moderate theambivalence-accessibility relationship, and the relevance of the model to media-based primingeffects and tothe nature of public opinion and the survey response.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Attitude accessibility,attitude involvement,political information processing},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\DVVX2ISZ\\Lavine et al. - 2000 - On the Relationship Between Attitude Involvement and Attitude Accessibility Toward a Cognitive-Moti.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\2ICDNJA3\\0162-895X.html}
}

@article{laySheWasBorn2017,
  title = {She {{Was Born}} in a {{Small Town}}: {{The Advantages}} and {{Disadvantages}} in {{Political Knowledge}} and {{Efficacy}} for {{Rural Girls}}},
  shorttitle = {She {{Was Born}} in a {{Small Town}}},
  author = {Lay, J. Celeste},
  date = {2017-07-03},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Women, Politics \& Policy},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Women, Politics \& Policy},
  volume = {38},
  number = {3},
  pages = {318--334},
  issn = {1554-477X, 1554-4788},
  doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2016.1219590},
  url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1554477X.2016.1219590},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Recent work suggests that girls learn more about politics and are more efficacious in places with less conflict and greater homogeneity. Given that rural communities are often more homogeneous than metropolitan areas across several dimensions, this article asks whether young girls growing up in rural communities have higher levels of political knowledge and efficacy than those in more urban, diverse communities. It argues that the average girl benefits from the stronger social bonds between residents in smaller places, but young women who hold minority views about the importance of equality are likely to suffer in their levels of knowledge and efficacy. Being in the minority seems to be particularly difficult for girls in smaller places. This article raises questions about the ways in which gender gaps vary across different places and the varying effects of minority status.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\V6P4FY43\Lay - 2017 - She Was Born in a Small Town The Advantages and D.pdf}
}

@article{lebowitzAsymmetricalGeneticAttributions2019,
  title = {Asymmetrical Genetic Attributions for Prosocial versus Antisocial Behavior},
  author = {Lebowitz, Matthew S. and Tabb, Kathryn and Appelbaum, Paul S.},
  date = {2019-09},
  journaltitle = {Nature human behaviour},
  shortjournal = {Nat Hum Behav},
  volume = {3},
  number = {9},
  eprint = {31358975},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {940--949},
  issn = {2397-3374},
  doi = {10.1038/s41562-019-0651-1},
  url = {https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6744345/},
  urldate = {2025-08-07},
  abstract = {Genetic explanations of human behavior are increasingly common. While genetic attributions for behavior are often considered relevant for assessing blameworthiness, it has not yet been established whether judgments about blameworthiness can themselves impact genetic attributions. Across six studies, participants read about individuals engaging in prosocial or antisocial behavior and rated the extent to which they believed that genetics played a role in causing the behavior. Antisocial behavior was consistently rated as less genetically influenced than prosocial behavior. This was true regardless of whether genetic explanations were explicitly provided or refuted. Mediation analyses suggested that this asymmetry may stem from people’s motivating desire to hold wrongdoers responsible for their actions. These findings suggest that those who seek to study or make use of genetic explanations’ influence on evaluations of (e.g., antisocial) behavior should consider whether such explanations are accepted in the first place, given the possibility of motivated causal reasoning.},
  pmcid = {PMC6744345}
}

@article{leeEasyHardIssues2021,
  title = {“{{Easy}}” and “Hard” Issues: {{Attitude}} Extremity and a Role of the Need to Evaluate},
  shorttitle = {“{{Easy}}” and “Hard” Issues},
  author = {Lee, Heysung},
  date = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Quarterly},
  volume = {102},
  number = {6},
  pages = {2930--2941},
  issn = {1540-6237},
  doi = {10.1111/ssqu.13094},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ssqu.13094},
  urldate = {2025-03-20},
  abstract = {Background This article addresses the topic of issue polarization among the mass public, focusing on the classic typology of “easy” and “hard” issues (Carmines and Stimson, 1980) and the influence of the individual-level motivational variable, which is the need to evaluate. Objective Carmines and Stimson (1980) suggest that issues are characterized by their “hardness,” the degree of how much issues are easy to understand and make political evaluations. This article contends that the NTE would positively relate to attitude extremity of “hard” issues, which require extensive motivations for political judgment but would not necessarily be associated with attitude extremity of “easy” issues, which do not require such motivations. Methods In the analyses, four “easy” issues (abortion, same-sex marriage, affirmative action, and gun control) and four “hard” issues (immigration, tax, health care, and climate change) were selected to compare the effects of the NTE on attitude extremity, based on previous literature. The data of 2016 American National Election Survey was used to test the hypotheses. Results The analyses using the data of the 2016 American National Election Survey supported the hypotheses by showing that the need to evaluate was related to increased attitude extremity on all “hard” issues, whereas need to evaluate was not associated with extremity on “easy” issues except the issue of affirmative action. Conclusion Need to evaluate is related to attitude extremity on “easy” and “hard” issues.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\8FSTKYBS\\Lee - 2021 - “Easy” and “hard” issues Attitude extremity and a role of the need to evaluate.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\8RJYWHYG\\ssqu.html}
}

@article{leeNegativePartisanshipNot2022,
  title = {Negative Partisanship Is Not More Prevalent than Positive Partisanship},
  author = {Lee, Amber Hye-Yon and Lelkes, Yphtach and Hawkins, Carlee B. and Theodoridis, Alexander G.},
  date = {2022-07},
  journaltitle = {Nature Human Behaviour},
  shortjournal = {Nat Hum Behav},
  volume = {6},
  number = {7},
  pages = {951--963},
  publisher = {Nature Publishing Group},
  issn = {2397-3374},
  doi = {10.1038/s41562-022-01348-0},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-022-01348-0},
  urldate = {2025-11-12},
  abstract = {The dominant narrative among scholars and political pundits characterizes American partisanship as overwhelmingly negative, portraying citizens as more repelled by the opposing party than attached to their own party. To assess the valence of partisan identity, we use various measures collected from several new and existing nationally representative surveys and behavioural outcomes obtained from two experiments. Our findings consistently depart from the negative partisanship narrative. For the majority of Americans, partisanship is either equally positive and negative or more positive than negative. Only partisan leaners stand out as negative partisans. We pair these observational findings with experimental data that differentiate between positive group behaviour and negative group behaviour in the partisan context. We find that the behavioural manifestations of party identity similarly include both positive and negative biases in balance, reinforcing our conclusion that descriptions of partisanship as primarily negative are exaggerated.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Human behaviour,Politics and international relations},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DJ8KQ532\Lee et al. - 2022 - Negative partisanship is not more prevalent than positive partisanship.pdf}
}

@article{leeNotOutgroupNot2006,
  title = {Not an Outgroup, Not yet an Ingroup: {{Immigrants}} in the {{Stereotype Content Model}}},
  shorttitle = {Not an Outgroup, Not yet an Ingroup},
  author = {Lee, Tiane L. and Fiske, Susan T.},
  date = {2006-11-01},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Intercultural Relations},
  shortjournal = {International Journal of Intercultural Relations},
  series = {Special {{Issue}}: {{Attitudes}} towards {{Immigrants}} and {{Immigration}}},
  volume = {30},
  number = {6},
  pages = {751--768},
  issn = {0147-1767},
  doi = {10.1016/j.ijintrel.2006.06.005},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0147176706000526},
  urldate = {2025-08-27},
  abstract = {Stereotype research depicts the generic immigrant as incompetent and untrustworthy. The current research expands this image, specifying key information dimensions (e.g. nationality, socioeconomic status) about immigrants. To see how perceivers differentiate among particular immigrant groups, we extend a model of intergroup perception, the Stereotype Content Model (SCM; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, \& Xu, 2002. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82, 878–902), to immigrant subgroups. The SCM predicts that perception centers on competence and warmth, and relates to targets’ perceived status and competition within society. Specified by nationality, race, ethnicity, and class, images of immigrants differ by both competence and warmth, with most groups receiving ambivalent (low–high or high–low) stereotypes rather than the uniform low–low for the generic immigrant. As predicted, ambivalent stereotypes reflect target nationality combined with socioeconomic status, supporting the SCM's ambivalent stereotypes and social structural hypotheses, as well as better defining immigrant stereotypes and their contingencies.}
}

@article{leeperCognitiveStyleSurvey2014,
  title = {Cognitive {{Style}} and the {{Survey Response}}},
  author = {Leeper, Thomas J.},
  date = {2014-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {78},
  number = {4},
  pages = {974--983},
  issn = {0033-362X},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfu042},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfu042},
  urldate = {2025-03-11},
  abstract = {According to democratic theory, citizens should have a set of well-defined, valenced opinions. Yet evidence suggests that individuals vary in chronic evaluative tendencies, with some processing information in an online fashion, spontaneously becoming opinionated about whatever they encounter and recalling summary evaluations easily. Individuals lower in evaluative tendencies do not form attitudes in this fashion and instead must construct and report attitudes based upon recalled considerations. The implications of these individual differences for survey practice are largely unexamined. The present research shows, across multiple surveys and question formats, that individuals low in need to evaluate (NE) offer greater numbers of non-informative responses to opinion questions than those higher in NE, an effect not attributable to interest, knowledge, or lack of cognitive effort. And when they do supply answers to opinion questions, low-NE individuals report attitudes less extreme than individuals higher in NE. The results suggest that opinion surveys may systematically misrepresent the variability of citizens’ beliefs and the extremity of aggregate public opinion by relegating some of those low in NE to non-informative response options.},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\HBLN9QZB\\Leeper - 2014 - Cognitive Style and the Survey Response.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\32QN852U\\1865009.html}
}

@article{leeperPoliticalPartiesMotivated2014,
  title = {Political {{Parties}}, {{Motivated Reasoning}}, and {{Public Opinion Formation}}},
  author = {Leeper, Thomas J. and Slothuus, Rune},
  date = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {35},
  eprint = {43783792},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {129--156},
  publisher = {[International Society of Political Psychology, Wiley]},
  issn = {0162-895X},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/43783792},
  urldate = {2024-04-17},
  abstract = {A key characteristic of democratic politics is competition between groups, first of all political parties. Yet, the unavoidably partisan nature of political conflict has had too little influence on scholarship on political psychology. Despite more than 50 years of research on political parties and citizens, we continue to lack a systematic understanding of when and how political parties influence public opinion. We suggest that alternative approaches to political parties and public opinion can be best reconciled and examined through a richer theoretical perspective grounded in motivated reasoning theory. Clearly, parties shape citizens' opinions by mobilizing, influencing, and structuring choices among political alternatives. But the answer to when and how parties influence citizens' reasoning and political opinions depends on an interaction between citizens' motivations, effort, and information generated from the political environment (particularly through competition between parties). The contribution of motivated reasoning, as we describe it, is to provide a coherent theoretical framework for understanding partisan influence on citizens' political opinions. We review recent empirical work consistent with this framework. We also point out puzzles ripe for future research and discuss how partisanmotivated reasoning provides a useful point of departure for such work.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WX9FKHR2\Leeper and Slothuus - 2014 - Political Parties, Motivated Reasoning, and Public.pdf}
}

@incollection{lefkofridiOpinionPolicyCongruence2020,
  title = {Opinion–{{Policy}} Congruence},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of {{Political Representation}} in {{Liberal Democracies}}},
  author = {Lefkofridi, Zoe},
  editor = {Rohrschneider, Robert and Thomassen, Jacques},
  date = {2020-07-28},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198825081.013.18},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198825081.013.18},
  urldate = {2025-03-07},
  abstract = {This chapter connects the two end-poles of the chain of political representation: citizens’ policy preferences and public policy outputs. As a step in between, it discusses work on different kinds of congruence between the political preferences of citizens and those of their representatives at different levels of aggregation. The chapter begins with the discussion of various conceptualizations and operationalizations of citizens-elites congruence (dyadic and collective; one-to-one, many-to-one, many-to-many), as well as of different types of congruence (broad ideological agreement; agreement on multiple issue dimensions; accordance in terms of policy issue priorities, or styles and foci of representation). It then reviews different approaches to the measurement of this relationship, and discusses the advantages and disadvantages of different data sources (mass, elite, and expert surveys; party manifestos; roll calls). The chapter then moves on to discussing what we know about the determinants of citizens-elites congruence (political institutions, characteristics of parties, party systems and voters, macro-economic factors). Last but not least, the chapter addresses how different types of citizens-elites congruence impact turnout and satisfaction with democracy.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-882508-1},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\YCYIXTMU\\Lefkofridi - 2020 - Opinion–Policy congruence.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\NUISRAQC\\213024632.html}
}

@article{lelkesPolicyPartyComparing2021,
  title = {Policy over Party: Comparing the Effects of Candidate Ideology and Party on Affective Polarization},
  shorttitle = {Policy over Party},
  author = {Lelkes, Yphtach},
  date = {2021-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  volume = {9},
  number = {1},
  pages = {189--196},
  issn = {2049-8470, 2049-8489},
  doi = {10.1017/psrm.2019.18},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/political-science-research-and-methods/article/abs/policy-over-party-comparing-the-effects-of-candidate-ideology-and-party-on-affective-polarization/7CE28F0E9763297A765263B1F774B7A1},
  urldate = {2025-11-03},
  abstract = {At least two theories have been offered that explain the rise of affective polarization. Some scholars, relying on social identity theory, argue that as the relevance of party identification increased, Americans became more likely to see their in-party in positive terms and the out-party in negative terms. Other scholars argue that affective polarization is a reaction to increasingly extreme political actors. This study seeks to arbitrate between these two theories of affective polarization through a survey experiment which asks respondents to rate candidates whose party (or lack thereof) and ideology (or lack thereof) is randomly assigned. In line with the policy-oriented view of affective polarization, respondents reacted far more strongly to ideology than party, especially if it was the ideology of the member of the out-party.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Public opinion}
}

@article{lelkesPolicyPartyComparing2021a,
  title = {Policy over Party: Comparing the Effects of Candidate Ideology and Party on Affective Polarization},
  shorttitle = {Policy over Party},
  author = {Lelkes, Yphtach},
  date = {2021-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  shortjournal = {PSRM},
  volume = {9},
  number = {1},
  pages = {189--196},
  issn = {2049-8470, 2049-8489},
  doi = {10.1017/psrm.2019.18},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S2049847019000189/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2025-11-05},
  abstract = {At least two theories have been offered that explain the rise of affective polarization. Some scholars, relying on social identity theory, argue that as the relevance of party identification increased, Americans became more likely to see their in-party in positive terms and the out-party in negative terms. Other scholars argue that affective polarization is a reaction to increasingly extreme political actors. This study seeks to arbitrate between these two theories of affective polarization through a survey experiment which asks respondents to rate candidates whose party (or lack thereof) and ideology (or lack thereof) is randomly assigned. In line with the policy-oriented view of affective polarization, respondents reacted far more strongly to ideology than party, especially if it was the ideology of the member of the out-party.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NBCQDPNW\Lelkes - 2021 - Policy over party comparing the effects of candidate ideology and party on affective polarization.pdf}
}

@book{lenzFollowLeaderHow2012,
  title = {Follow the Leader? : How Voters Respond to Politicians' Policies and Performance /},
  shorttitle = {Follow the Leader?},
  author = {Lenz, Gabriel S.},
  year = {2012, ©2012.},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press,},
  location = {Chicago ;},
  isbn = {978-0-226-47213-3}
}

@article{lesschaeveInequalityPartyvoterOpinion2017,
  title = {Inequality in {{Party-voter Opinion Congruence}}: {{A Matter}} of {{Choices Made}} or {{Choices Given}}?},
  shorttitle = {Inequality in {{Party-voter Opinion Congruence}}},
  author = {Lesschaeve, Christophe},
  date = {2017-04-03},
  journaltitle = {Representation},
  volume = {53},
  number = {2},
  pages = {153--166},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0034-4893},
  doi = {10.1080/00344893.2017.1333034},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2017.1333034},
  urldate = {2024-08-28},
  abstract = {Studies on the agreement, or congruence, between voters and parties have often found more congruence between higher educated voters and the parties for which they vote than between lower educated voters and their party selections. The literature offers two explanations for this finding. The first argues that lower educated voters vote ‘incorrectly’, selecting less congruent parties at the ballot box, despite the presence of a better alternative. The second posits that they lack policy offers for which to vote. This paper seeks to detangle these two explanations. Based on a dataset containing the positions of Belgian voters and parties on 23 policy statements, we find that inequality in opinion congruence is primarily the result of incorrect voting by lower educated voters. However, given Belgium’s political system—which increase the likelihood of policy offers attuned to lower educated voters, the education bias in parties’ policy offers is surprisingly high.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZBHAWI8Q\Lesschaeve - 2017 - Inequality in Party-voter Opinion Congruence A Ma.pdf}
}

@article{lesschaevePredictivePowerLeftright2017,
  title = {The Predictive Power of the Left-Right Self-Placement Scale for the Policy Positions of Voters and Parties},
  author = {Lesschaeve, Christophe},
  date = {2017-03-04},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {40},
  number = {2},
  pages = {357--377},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2016.1229088},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2016.1229088},
  urldate = {2024-11-25},
  abstract = {The left-right self-placement scale is often used in political science as a proxy for the policy positions of voters and parties. Yet studies have suggested that, for voters, this relation is dependent on education level. These studies were, however, hampered by data limitations and restricted statistical analyses. In addition, the extent to which the relation between the left-right self-placement scale and policy positions differs for parties and voters has not been explored. This article looks at the differential relation between left-right self-placement and policy positions for voters with different education levels on an integrated dataset containing over 50 voter and party policy positions. It is found that the left-right self-placement scale is a much better predictor for the policy positions of parties than it is for the policy preferences of voters. Robustness checks show that neither the saliency of the policy positions nor their complexity moderates these findings.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2EXRJWMW\Lesschaeve - 2017 - The predictive power of the left-right self-placem.pdf}
}

@book{levenduskyOurCommonBonds2023,
  title = {Our {{Common Bonds}}: {{Using What Americans Share}} to {{Help Bridge}} the {{Partisan Divide}}},
  shorttitle = {Our {{Common Bonds}}},
  author = {Levendusky, Matthew},
  date = {2023-03-14},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  abstract = {A compelling exploration of concrete strategies to reduce partisan animosity by building on what Democrats and Republicans have in common.   One of the defining features of twenty-first-century American politics is the rise of affective polarization: Americans increasingly not only disagree with those from the other party but distrust and dislike them as well. This has toxic downstream consequences for both politics and social relationships. Is there any solution?    Our Common Bonds shows that—although there is no silver bullet that will eradicate partisan animosity—there are concrete interventions that can reduce it. Matthew Levendusky argues that partisan animosity stems in part from partisans’ misperceptions of one another. Democrats and Republicans think they have nothing in common, but this is not true. Drawing on survey and experimental evidence, the book shows that it is possible to help partisans reframe the lens through which they evaluate the out-party by priming commonalities—specifically, shared identities outside of politics, cross-party friendships, and common issue positions and values identified through civil cross-party dialogue. Doing so lessons partisan animosity, and it can even reduce ideological polarization. The book discusses what these findings mean for real-world efforts to bridge the partisan divide.},
  isbn = {978-0-226-82469-7},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {234},
  keywords = {Political Science / American Government / General,Political Science / General,Political Science / Political Ideologies / Conservatism & Liberalism,Political Science / Political Process / Political Parties}
}

@online{LimitsPartisanLoyalty,
  title = {The {{Limits}} of {{Partisan Loyalty}} - {{ProQuest}}},
  url = {https://www.proquest.com/docview/2560156475?fromopenview=true&parentSessionId=5IcleXQ6Mpq%2F5ebdo0Z13TQpTxdBnvw85qknpRlB0cc%3D&pq-origsite=gscholar&accountid=14715&sourcetype=Scholarly%20Journals},
  urldate = {2025-10-16},
  abstract = {Explore millions of resources from scholarly journals, books, newspapers, videos and more, on the ProQuest Platform.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DB3RXQ5C\2560156475.html}
}

@article{linSophisticatedDeviantsIntelligence2022,
  title = {Sophisticated Deviants: {{Intelligence}} and Radical Economic Attitudes},
  shorttitle = {Sophisticated Deviants},
  author = {Lin, Chien-An and Bates, Timothy C.},
  date = {2022-11},
  journaltitle = {Intelligence},
  shortjournal = {Intelligence},
  volume = {95},
  pages = {101699},
  issn = {01602896},
  doi = {10.1016/j.intell.2022.101699},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0160289622000800},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  abstract = {Conservative economic attitudes have been theorized as symptoms of low cognitive ability. Studies suggest the opposite, linking more conservative views weakly to higher, not lower, cognitive ability, but with very large between-study variability. Here, we propose and replicate a new model linking cognitive ability not to liberal or conservative economics, but to economic extremism: How far individuals deviate from prevailing centrist views. Two large pre-registered studies in the UK (N = 700 \& 700) and the British Cohort Study dataset (N = 11,563) replicated the predicted association of intelligence with economic deviance (β = 0.4 to 0.12). These findings were robust and expand the role of cognitive ability from tracking the economic consensus to influencing support for (relatively) extremist views. They suggest opportunities to understand the generation and mainstreaming of radical fringe social attitudes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\W9LC7DVY\Lin and Bates - 2022 - Sophisticated deviants Intelligence and radical e.pdf}
}

@article{liviatanInterpersonalSimilaritySocial2008,
  title = {Interpersonal Similarity as a Social Distance Dimension: {{Implications}} for Perception of Others’ Actions},
  shorttitle = {Interpersonal Similarity as a Social Distance Dimension},
  author = {Liviatan, Ido and Trope, Yaacov and Liberman, Nira},
  date = {2008-09-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
  volume = {44},
  number = {5},
  pages = {1256--1269},
  issn = {0022-1031},
  doi = {10.1016/j.jesp.2008.04.007},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0022103108000723},
  urldate = {2025-10-06},
  abstract = {Building on the assumption that interpersonal similarity is a form of social distance, the current research examines the manner in which similarity influences the representation and judgment of others’ actions. On the basis of a construal level approach, we hypothesized that greater levels of similarity would increase the relative weight of subordinate and secondary features of information in judgments of others’ actions. The results of four experiments showed that compared to corresponding judgments of a dissimilar target, participants exposed to a similar target person identified that person’s actions in relatively more subordinate means-related rather than superordinate ends-related terms (Experiment 1), perceived his or her actions to be determined more by feasibility and less by desirability concerns (Experiment 3), and gave more weight to secondary aspects in judgments of the target’s decisions (Experiment 2) and performance (Experiment 4). Implications for the study of interpersonal similarity, as well as social distance in general, are discussed.},
  keywords = {Construal level theory,Interpersonal similarity,Mental representations,Social distance,Social judgment},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\TLANZJGN\\Liviatan et al. - 2008 - Interpersonal similarity as a social distance dimension Implications for perception of others’ acti.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\MGWXFHFY\\S0022103108000723.html}
}

@article{loewenBeautyContestsStrategic2015,
  title = {Beauty Contests and Strategic Voting},
  author = {Loewen, Peter John and Hinton, Kelly and Sheffer, Lior},
  date = {2015-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {38},
  pages = {38--45},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2015.01.001},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379415000037},
  urldate = {2024-09-09},
  abstract = {Prevailing models of strategic voting demonstrate that individuals are less likely to vote strategically when their preferences for a third-place party increase or when the chances of their preferred party winning increase. Rather than both of these factors influencing all voters, we demonstrate that these two factors are used by different types of voters. Using a one-shot p-beauty contest, we separate subjects into those who display strategic inference and those who do not. We then show, using data from two different experiments, that those subjects who exhibit strategic inference rely on probabilistic information about their preferred party when deciding to cast a strategic vote, while those who do not display strategic inference rely on the strength of their preferences.},
  keywords = {Experimentation,Individual differences,Political psychology,Strategic voting},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FB7ZM649\S0261379415000037.html}
}

@article{lucasCrossculturalEvidenceFundamental2000,
  title = {Cross-Cultural Evidence for the Fundamental Features of Extraversion.},
  author = {Lucas, Richard E. and Diener, Ed and Grob, Alexander and Suh, Eunkook M. and Shao, Liang},
  date = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  volume = {79},
  number = {3},
  pages = {452--468},
  issn = {1939-1315, 0022-3514},
  doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.79.3.452},
  url = {http://doi.apa.org/getdoi.cfm?doi=10.1037/0022-3514.79.3.452},
  urldate = {2024-08-06},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{luReassessingImpactHispanic2010,
  title = {Reassessing the {{Impact}} of {{Hispanic Stereotypes}} on {{White Americans}}' {{Immigration Preferences}}},
  author = {Lu, Lingyu and Nicholson-Crotty, Sean},
  date = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Quarterly},
  volume = {91},
  number = {5},
  pages = {1312--1328},
  issn = {1540-6237},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1540-6237.2010.00733.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1540-6237.2010.00733.x},
  urldate = {2025-08-22},
  abstract = {Objectives. There is disagreement in the literature on immigration attitudes regarding the relative importance of ethnic stereotypes and more general cultural and economic concerns about increasing immigration in the formation of those attitudes. We argue that the impact of stereotypes relative to these other factors may have been underestimated for a variety of reasons. Methods. We test the impact of stereotypes on immigration preferences in data from the Multi-Ethnic Module of the 2000 General Social Survey. Because the dependent variables analyzed herein are ordinal, we estimate ordered logistic regressions that correct for diagnosed hetereoskedacticity. Results. Statistical analyses confirm that negative stereotypes are a significantly larger predictor of ethnicity-specific immigration preferences relative to general attitudes about immigration. Intervening variables analyses also suggest that the impact of stereotypes has been underestimated relative to cultural and economic anxieties because these variables significantly mediate its observed impact. Conclusions. The results suggest that ethnic stereotypes are significantly more important in determining immigration preferences among Americans than has been reported in previous research.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\NDE9LKLL\\Lu and Nicholson-Crotty - 2010 - Reassessing the Impact of Hispanic Stereotypes on White Americans' Immigration Preferences.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\7ZS97EP7\\j.1540-6237.2010.00733.html}
}

@article{luttigAuthoritarianismAffectivePolarization2017,
  title = {Authoritarianism and {{Affective Polarization}}},
  author = {Luttig, Matthew D},
  date = {2017-12-12},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {81},
  number = {4},
  pages = {866--895},
  issn = {0033-362X, 1537-5331},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfx023},
  url = {http://academic.oup.com/poq/article/81/4/866/4059546},
  urldate = {2024-04-03},
  abstract = {What drives affective polarization in American politics? One common argument is that Democrats and Republicans are deeply polarized today because they are psychologically different—motivated by diametrically opposed and clashing worldviews. This paper argues that the same psychological motivation—authoritarianism—is positively related to partisan extremism among both Republicans and Democrats. Across four studies, this paper shows that authoritarianism is associated with strong partisanship and heightened affective polarization among both Republicans and Democrats. Thus, strong Republicans and Democrats are psychologically similar, at least with respect to authoritarianism. As authoritarianism provides an indicator of underlying needs to belong, these findings support a view of mass polarization as nonsubstantive and group-centric, not driven by competing ideological values or clashing psychological worldviews.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\A6W78KGK\Luttig - 2017 - Authoritarianism and Affective Polarization.pdf}
}

@article{luttigPrejudicedPersonalityOrigins2018,
  title = {The “{{Prejudiced Personality}}” and the {{Origins}} of {{Partisan Strength}}, {{Affective Polarization}}, and {{Partisan Sorting}}},
  author = {Luttig, Matthew D.},
  date = {2018-02},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {39},
  number = {S1},
  pages = {239--256},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12484},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12484},
  urldate = {2024-03-18},
  abstract = {Over the last few decades, the American public has become more strongly partisan, affectively polarized, and sorted (i.e., aligned their partisanship with their policy preferences). This article presents a theory of partisanship in contemporary American politics as rooted in “the prejudiced personality”: need for closure. Based on uncertainty-identity theory and the theory of groups as epistemic providers, I argue that today’s polarized parties are more appealing to individuals high in the need for closure, causing them to (1) identify strongly with their party, (2) to be intolerant of members of the opposing party, and (3) to conform to partisan authorities (i.e., to sort). The current article examines both observational and experimental data in assessing the effects of need for closure on partisan strength, affective polarization, and sorting. I conclude by discussing the normative implications of a mass public driven not by ideology or worldviews but by a group-centric and prejudiced cognitive style.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RS89XPUG\Luttig - 2018 - The “Prejudiced Personality” and the Origins of Pa.pdf}
}

@article{luttigPrejudicedPersonalityOrigins2018a,
  title = {The “{{Prejudiced Personality}}” and the {{Origins}} of {{Partisan Strength}}, {{Affective Polarization}}, and {{Partisan Sorting}}},
  author = {Luttig, Matthew D.},
  date = {2018-02},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {39},
  number = {S1},
  pages = {239--256},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12484},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12484},
  urldate = {2024-04-05},
  abstract = {Over the last few decades, the American public has become more strongly partisan, affectively polarized, and sorted (i.e., aligned their partisanship with their policy preferences). This article presents a theory of partisanship in contemporary American politics as rooted in “the prejudiced personality”: need for closure. Based on uncertainty-identity theory and the theory of groups as epistemic providers, I argue that today’s polarized parties are more appealing to individuals high in the need for closure, causing them to (1) identify strongly with their party, (2) to be intolerant of members of the opposing party, and (3) to conform to partisan authorities (i.e., to sort). The current article examines both observational and experimental data in assessing the effects of need for closure on partisan strength, affective polarization, and sorting. I conclude by discussing the normative implications of a mass public driven not by ideology or worldviews but by a group-centric and prejudiced cognitive style.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GPHYL3Z5\Luttig - 2018 - The “Prejudiced Personality” and the Origins of Pa.pdf}
}

@article{lyonsFamilyPartisanSocialization2017,
  title = {The {{Family}} and {{Partisan Socialization}} in {{Red}} and {{Blue America}}},
  author = {Lyons, Jeffrey},
  date = {2017-04},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {38},
  number = {2},
  pages = {297--312},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12336},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12336},
  urldate = {2024-04-19},
  abstract = {How do competing social influences shape individual partisanship over the course of the life cycle? People enter and exit a host of environments over the course of the lifespan, and these environments provide social pressures that can conflict or reinforce early socialized attitudes. Socialization could be an agent for either opinion change, or opinion stability. Using the Youth-Parent Socialization Study and constructing partisan environmental measures at the county-level, I explore this question. The findings demonstrate that environments exert significant socializing influence over the lifespan, moderating the persistence of early forces. This helps to reconcile two competing perspectives on the enduring nature of familial socialization. When environments throughout life provide reinforcing social pressures, parental influence persists over time. However, when early socialized influence is challenged over time by the political environment that citizens reside in, the influence of early parental socialization is offset and nullified.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\63M8NKJF\Lyons - 2017 - The Family and Partisan Socialization in Red and B.pdf}
}

@article{lyonsFamilyPartisanSocialization2017a,
  title = {The {{Family}} and {{Partisan Socialization}} in {{Red}} and {{Blue America}}},
  author = {Lyons, Jeffrey},
  date = {2017-04},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {38},
  number = {2},
  pages = {297--312},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12336},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12336},
  urldate = {2024-04-19},
  abstract = {How do competing social influences shape individual partisanship over the course of the life cycle? People enter and exit a host of environments over the course of the lifespan, and these environments provide social pressures that can conflict or reinforce early socialized attitudes. Socialization could be an agent for either opinion change, or opinion stability. Using the Youth-Parent Socialization Study and constructing partisan environmental measures at the county-level, I explore this question. The findings demonstrate that environments exert significant socializing influence over the lifespan, moderating the persistence of early forces. This helps to reconcile two competing perspectives on the enduring nature of familial socialization. When environments throughout life provide reinforcing social pressures, parental influence persists over time. However, when early socialized influence is challenged over time by the political environment that citizens reside in, the influence of early parental socialization is offset and nullified.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ERCSXPAF\Lyons - 2017 - The Family and Partisan Socialization in Red and B.pdf}
}

@article{lyonsWhereYouLive2011,
  title = {Where {{You Live}} and {{Who You Know}}: {{Political Environments}}, {{Social Pressures}}, and {{Partisan Stability}}},
  shorttitle = {Where {{You Live}} and {{Who You Know}}},
  author = {Lyons, Jeffrey},
  date = {2011-11},
  journaltitle = {American Politics Research},
  shortjournal = {American Politics Research},
  volume = {39},
  number = {6},
  pages = {963--992},
  issn = {1532-673X, 1552-3373},
  doi = {10.1177/1532673X11408233},
  url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1532673X11408233},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Do the social pressures individuals encounter from the political environments they reside in affect the stability of their partisanship? Are some citizens able to insulate themselves from such pressure through the composition of their discussion networks? While partisanship is widely regarded as stable, I consider whether it is influenced by such factors. I use panel data from the 1992-1996 and 2000-2004 American National Election Studies to address this, constructing a measure of partisan context at the county level. I find that those residing in a partisan minority county are more likely to change their party identification and that as the degree of incongruence rises, individuals become increasingly likely to change their identification across panel waves. These findings demonstrate the powerful effect of contextual social forces on an otherwise stable and enduring attachment such as partisanship and suggest that partisan socialization is a process that extends beyond an individual’s childhood.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\UBRKQHZW\Lyons - 2011 - Where You Live and Who You Know Political Environ.pdf}
}

@article{madoleBuildingCausalKnowledge2023,
  title = {Building Causal Knowledge in Behavior Genetics},
  author = {Madole, James W. and Harden, K. Paige},
  date = {2023-01},
  journaltitle = {Behavioral and Brain Sciences},
  volume = {46},
  pages = {e182},
  issn = {0140-525X, 1469-1825},
  doi = {10.1017/S0140525X22000681},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/behavioral-and-brain-sciences/article/building-causal-knowledge-in-behavior-genetics/A5EF84672F3D73ED8D21F2B129AD6D23},
  urldate = {2025-08-19},
  abstract = {Behavior genetics is a controversial science. For decades, scholars have sought to understand the role of heredity in human behavior and life-course outcomes. Recently, technological advances and the rapid expansion of genomic databases have facilitated the discovery of genes associated with human phenotypes such as educational attainment and substance use disorders. To maximize the potential of this flourishing science, and to minimize potential harms, careful analysis of what it would mean for genes to be causes of human behavior is needed. In this paper, we advance a framework for identifying instances of genetic causes, interpreting those causal relationships, and applying them to advance causal knowledge more generally in the social sciences. Central to thinking about genes as causes is counterfactual reasoning, the cornerstone of causal thinking in statistics, medicine, and philosophy. We argue that within-family genetic effects represent the product of a counterfactual comparison in the same way as average treatment effects (ATEs) from randomized controlled trials (RCTs). Both ATEs from RCTs and within-family genetic effects are shallow causes: They operate within intricate causal systems (non-unitary), produce heterogeneous effects across individuals (non-uniform), and are not mechanistically informative (non-explanatory). Despite these limitations, shallow causal knowledge can be used to improve understanding of the etiology of human behavior and to explore sources of heterogeneity and fade-out in treatment effects.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {behavior genetics,causal inference,counterfactual reasoning,experimental designs,individual differences,philosophy of science},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\CM9ID4BI\Madole and Harden - 2023 - Building causal knowledge in behavior genetics.pdf}
}

@article{maglicMakingNationsGreat2024,
  title = {Making {{Nations Great Again}}: {{National Narcissism}} and the {{Left}}, the {{Right}}, and the {{Extreme}} in the {{European Context}}},
  shorttitle = {Making {{Nations Great Again}}},
  author = {Maglić, Marina and Pavlović, Tomislav and Franc, Renata},
  date = {2024-02-12T12:11:21+00:00},
  journaltitle = {International Review of Social Psychology},
  volume = {37},
  number = {1},
  issn = {2397-8570},
  doi = {10.5334/irsp.844},
  url = {https://rips-irsp.com/articles/10.5334/irsp.844},
  urldate = {2025-03-19},
  abstract = {Considering current world politics, investigating people\&rsquo;s tendency to believe in the greatness of their nation contingent on external validation seems ever so relevant. Thus, we examined the relationship between the direction and extremity of political orientation and national narcissism (NN) on European quota-representative samples (N = 15,882). Although the relationships between ideological extremity and NN were established, they were much weaker than the positive relationship between political orientation and NN. Testing for model invariance across Western and Eastern European samples suggested differences in the predictive strength of political orientation on NN, with a weaker association in Eastern Europe. Further analyses, including a quadratic examination of political ideology\&rsquo;s relation to NN, supported the rigidity-of-the-right hypothesis, highlighting the stronger presence of NN among right-leaning individuals. This pattern persisted despite varying European socio-cultural backgrounds, suggesting a transcultural aspect of NN within the political right spectrum. Our research underscores the importance of considering socio-political context when assessing the interplay between political ideology and NN, setting a starting point for further, more nuanced research.},
  langid = {american},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\KCQKQN6Z\Maglić et al. - 2024 - Making Nations Great Again National Narcissism and the Left, the Right, and the Extreme in the Euro.pdf}
}

@article{makowskyEducationIntelligenceAttitude2014,
  title = {Education, {{Intelligence}}, and {{Attitude Extremity}}},
  author = {Makowsky, Michael D. and Miller, Stephen C.},
  date = {2014-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {78},
  number = {4},
  pages = {832--858},
  issn = {0033-362X},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfu041},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfu041},
  urldate = {2025-03-11},
  abstract = {Education and general intelligence both serve to inform opinions, but do they lead to greater attitude extremity? The potential civic returns to education include not only the sophistication of citizen opinions, but also their moderation. We use questions on economic policy, social issues, and environmental issues from the General Social Survey to test the impact of education on attitude extremity, as measured by deviation from centrist or neutral positions, while controlling for intelligence. We use quantile regression modeling to identify effects on both the most extreme beliefs as well as the most ambivalent. We find that intelligence is a moderating force across the entire distribution in economic, social, and environmental policy beliefs. Completing high school strongly correlates to reduced extremity, particularly in the upper quantiles. College education increases attitude extremity in the lower tail, while postgraduate education increases extremity in the upper tail. Results are discussed in the context of enlightenment and motivated-reasoning theories of beliefs and education. The relevance to political party core and swing voters is briefly discussed.},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\KB8G7Z9A\\Makowsky and Miller - 2014 - Education, Intelligence, and Attitude Extremity.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\KRAAS497\\1864832.html}
}

@article{makowskyEducationIntelligenceAttitude2014a,
  title = {Education, {{Intelligence}}, and {{Attitude Extremity}}},
  author = {Makowsky, M. D. and Miller, S. C.},
  date = {2014-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {78},
  number = {4},
  pages = {832--858},
  issn = {0033-362X, 1537-5331},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfu041},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/poq/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/poq/nfu041},
  urldate = {2025-03-21},
  abstract = {Education and general intelligence both serve to inform opinions, but do they lead to greater attitude extremity? The potential civic returns to education include not only the sophistication of citizen opinions, but also their moderation. We use questions on economic policy, social issues, and environmental issues from the General Social Survey to test the impact of education on attitude extremity, as measured by deviation from centrist or neutral positions, while controlling for intelligence. We use quantile regression modeling to identify effects on both the most extreme beliefs as well as the most ambivalent. We find that intelligence is a moderating force across the entire distribution in economic, social, and environmental policy beliefs. Completing high school strongly correlates to reduced extremity, particularly in the upper quantiles. College education increases attitude extremity in the lower tail, while postgraduate education increases extremity in the upper tail. Results are discussed in the context of enlightenment and motivatedreasoning theories of beliefs and education. The relevance to political party core and swing voters is briefly discussed.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ST5QAN8R\Makowsky and Miller - 2014 - Education, Intelligence, and Attitude Extremity.pdf}
}

@article{malhotraOptimalDesignBranching2009,
  title = {Optimal {{Design}} of {{Branching Questions}} to {{Measure Bipolar Constructs}}},
  author = {Malhotra, Neil and Krosnick, Jon A. and Thomas, Randall K.},
  date = {2009},
  journaltitle = {The Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {73},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {25548081},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {304--324},
  publisher = {[Oxford University Press, American Association for Public Opinion Research]},
  issn = {0033-362X},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/25548081},
  urldate = {2025-05-19},
  abstract = {Scholars routinely employ rating scales to measure attitudes and other bipolar constructs via questionnaires, and prior research indicates that this is best done using sequences of branching questions in order to maximize measurement reliability and validity. To identify the optimal design of branching questions, this study analyzed data from several national surveys using various modes of interviewing. We compared two branching techniques and different ways of using responses to build rating scales. Three general conclusions received empirical support: (1) after an initial three-option question assessing direction (e.g., like, dislike, neither), respondents who select one of the endpoints should be asked to choose among three levels of extremity, (2) respondents who initially select a midpoint with a precise label should not be asked whether they lean one way or the other, and (3) bipolar rating scales with seven points yield measurement accuracy superior to that of three-, five-, and nine-point scales.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WWT23ABP\Malhotra et al. - 2009 - Optimal Design of Branching Questions to Measure Bipolar Constructs.pdf}
}

@incollection{mandalaywalaChapterSevenDoes2020a,
  title = {Chapter {{Seven}} - {{Does}} Essentialism Lead to Racial Prejudice? {{It}} Is Not so {{Black}} and {{White}}},
  shorttitle = {Chapter {{Seven}} - {{Does}} Essentialism Lead to Racial Prejudice?},
  booktitle = {Advances in {{Child Development}} and {{Behavior}}},
  author = {Mandalaywala, Tara M.},
  editor = {Rhodes, Marjorie},
  date = {2020-01-01},
  series = {The {{Development}} of {{Social Essentialism}}},
  volume = {59},
  pages = {195--245},
  publisher = {JAI},
  doi = {10.1016/bs.acdb.2020.05.007},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0065240720300355},
  urldate = {2025-08-06},
  abstract = {Over half a century ago, psychologists hypothesized that social essentialism, an intuitive theory comprising the beliefs that social categories reflect naturally occurring distinctions and that category members share an underlying and fundamental essence, lays the foundation for prejudice. In the intervening decades, research has shown that although essentialism sometimes leads to prejudicial beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors, it does not always, sometimes even leading to decreased prejudice toward stigmatized groups. The relation between essentialism and prejudice is clearly complex, but this review proposes four questions that will help clarify how and when essentialism leads to prejudice: (1) What precisely is essentialism and how might a more nuanced understanding of its components and structure shed light on the mechanisms by which essentialist beliefs contribute to prejudice?; (2) Do essentialist beliefs orient group-based prejudice toward out-groups or toward stigmatized groups, and what are the consequences of essentialist beliefs among those with minoritized identities?; (3) Do essentialist beliefs engender group-based prejudice directly, or must essentialist beliefs interact with additional information or belief systems to lead to negative consequences?; and (4) Do essentialist beliefs lay a foundation for group-based prejudice to develop, or is essentialism strategically invoked to justify existing prejudice? By posing these questions, describing what is currently known about each, and proposing future lines of inquiry that focus on the importance of including participants from a diverse set of backgrounds and across developmental periods, this review aims to stimulate research studies best designed to fill the gaps in our knowledge. By understanding how and when essentialism contributes to prejudice, we will be better equipped to use this early-emerging, but malleable, aspect of cognition to decrease prejudice and create a more equitable society.},
  keywords = {Prejudice,Race,Social essentialism,Stereotype},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\APDWEZ4J\\Mandalaywala - 2020 - Chapter Seven - Does essentialism lead to racial prejudice It is not so Black and White.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\LXPYNFHI\\S0065240720300355.html}
}

@incollection{mandalaywalaDoesEssentialismLead2020,
  title = {Does Essentialism Lead to Racial Prejudice? {{It}} Is Not so {{Black}} and {{White}}},
  shorttitle = {Does Essentialism Lead to Racial Prejudice?},
  booktitle = {Advances in {{Child Development}} and {{Behavior}}},
  author = {Mandalaywala, Tara M.},
  date = {2020},
  volume = {59},
  pages = {195--245},
  publisher = {Elsevier},
  doi = {10.1016/bs.acdb.2020.05.007},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0065240720300355},
  urldate = {2025-06-18},
  isbn = {978-0-12-820086-5},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5CQKSXDB\Mandalaywala - 2020 - Does essentialism lead to racial prejudice It is not so Black and White.pdf}
}

@article{mandalaywalaEssentialismPromotesRacial2018,
  title = {Essentialism {{Promotes Racial Prejudice}} by {{Increasing Endorsement}} of {{Social Hierarchies}}},
  author = {Mandalaywala, Tara M. and Amodio, David M. and Rhodes, Marjorie},
  date = {2018-05-01},
  journaltitle = {Social Psychological and Personality Science},
  volume = {9},
  number = {4},
  pages = {461--469},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1948-5506},
  doi = {10.1177/1948550617707020},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550617707020},
  urldate = {2025-06-11},
  abstract = {Why do essentialist beliefs promote prejudice? We proposed that essentialist beliefs increase prejudice toward Black people because they imply that existing social hierarchies reflect a naturally occurring structure. We tested this hypothesis in three studies (N = 621). Study 1 revealed that racial essentialism was associated with increased prejudice toward Blacks among both White and Black adult participants, suggesting that essentialism relates to prejudice according to social hierarchy rather than only to group membership. Studies 2 and 3 experimentally demonstrated that increasing essentialist beliefs induced stronger endorsement of social hierarchies in both Black and White participants, which in turn mediated the effect of essentialism on negative attitudes toward Black people. Together, these findings suggest that essentialism increases prejudice toward low-status groups by increasing endorsement of social hierarchies and existing inequality.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\KD92S2ZF\Mandalaywala et al. - 2018 - Essentialism Promotes Racial Prejudice by Increasing Endorsement of Social Hierarchies.pdf}
}

@article{marcusParsimonyComplexityDeveloping2011,
  title = {Parsimony and {{Complexity}}: {{Developing}} and {{Testing Theories}} of {{Affective Intelligence}}},
  shorttitle = {Parsimony and {{Complexity}}},
  author = {Marcus, George E. and MacKuen, Michael and Neuman, W. Russell},
  date = {2011},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {32},
  number = {2},
  pages = {323--336},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2010.00806.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2010.00806.x},
  urldate = {2024-08-06},
  abstract = {The theory of affective intelligence posits that an individual's emotions help govern a reliance on political habits or, alternatively, deliberation and attention to new political information. Some of the evidence adduced draws on the fact that voters who are anxious about their own party's candidate do not rely blindly on their partisanship but instead consider policy and personality when they vote. In a provocative paper, Ladd and Lenz (2008) argue that emotions reflect an evaluative judgment, akin to likes and dislikes, that has little to say about attention and habit. Here we examine the ANES data from 1980 to 2004 and find that the affective intelligence theory's original findings remain statistically robust. On closer examination, we also learn that Ladd and Lenz reformulated the theoretical test by using a different operationalization of affect and a different dependent variable and found results at variance from ours. We find it an inappropriate test. In the end, we agree with Ladd and Lenz that cross-sectional data cannot crisply test the short-term impact of emotions on attention and habit and concur that ultimately experiments will move the debate forward. We further observe that Brader's (2005, 2006) powerful field experiments explicitly test the special effect of emotions on attention and judgment and support the affective intelligence model.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\49ZSULVF\Marcus et al. - 2011 - Parsimony and Complexity Developing and Testing T.pdf}
}

@article{marinoMisPerceptionsInformationPolitical2024,
  title = {({{Mis-}}){{Perceptions}}, Information, and Political Polarization: {{A}} Survey and a Systematic Literature Review},
  shorttitle = {({{Mis-}}){{Perceptions}}, Information, and Political Polarization},
  author = {Marino, Maria and Iacono, Roberto and Mollerstrom, Johanna},
  date = {2024-12-01},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  shortjournal = {European Journal of Political Economy},
  volume = {85},
  pages = {102578},
  issn = {0176-2680},
  doi = {10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102578},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0176268024000806},
  urldate = {2025-02-10},
  abstract = {Numerous studies have documented that misperceptions about society, e.g. related to inequality, are widespread among voters. Simultaneously, a separate body of literature demonstrates increasing political polarization. Against this background, it is intuitively appealing to hypothesize that information provision can be useful not only to correct misperceptions, but also to create a common ground that can bridge divisiveness. In a general population survey, conducted in the United States, we show that beliefs in the power of information to reduce polarization are indeed widespread. To investigate the empirical relationship between information provision and polarization, we conduct a systematic literature review. We focus on papers that study the effect of information treatments on redistributive policy preferences, exploiting the fact that they often investigate heterogeneities in the reaction to information treatment. Our review shows that while it is certainly possible for information to decrease polarization, the effect is frequently the opposite. The reason is that different groups react differently to truthful and accurate information, in ways that often reinforce existing preference.},
  keywords = {Fairness,Inequality,Information,Polarization,Redistribution,Survey},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NBJG6LY3\S0176268024000806.html}
}

@article{marthalerParadoxPoliticallySophisticatedPartisan2008,
  title = {The {{Paradox}} of the {{Politically-Sophisticated Partisan}}: {{The French Case}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Paradox}} of the {{Politically-Sophisticated Partisan}}},
  author = {Marthaler, Sally},
  date = {2008-09-01},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {31},
  number = {5},
  pages = {937--959},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402380802234607},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402380802234607},
  urldate = {2024-11-16},
  abstract = {The erosion of partisan ties observed in many advanced industrialised democracies has been attributed to a cluster of factors associated with societal modernisation. This article considers the impact of one of these explanatory factors, the political sophistication of the electorate, in the case of France. Specifically, it tests the proposition that a more highly-educated and better-informed electorate will be less partisan. Its findings challenge a number of the assumptions behind the ‘independent’ voter thesis. The evidence points to the fact that it is lower rather than higher cognitive mobilisation that is associated with apartisanship. More politically-sophisticated voters, young and old alike, tend to have stronger party attachment and to rely on this rather than on complex evaluations of issues and policy to guide their voting decision.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FWLEGH5K\Marthaler - 2008 - The Paradox of the Politically-Sophisticated Parti.pdf}
}

@article{masonDisrespectfullyAgreeDifferential2015,
  title = {“{{I Disrespectfully Agree}}”: {{The Differential Effects}} of {{Partisan Sorting}} on {{Social}} and {{Issue Polarization}}},
  shorttitle = {“{{I Disrespectfully Agree}}”},
  author = {Mason, Lilliana},
  date = {2015-01},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  shortjournal = {American J Political Sci},
  volume = {59},
  number = {1},
  pages = {128--145},
  issn = {0092-5853, 1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12089},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ajps.12089},
  urldate = {2024-03-19},
  abstract = {Disagreements over whether polarization exists in the mass public have confounded two separate types of polarization. When social polarization is separated from issue position polarization, both sides of the polarization debate can be simultaneously correct. Social polarization, characterized by increased levels of partisan bias, activism, and anger, is increasing, driven by partisan identity and political identity alignment, and does not require the same magnitude of issue position polarization. The partisan‐ideological sorting that has occurred in recent decades has caused the nation as a whole to hold more aligned political identities, which has strengthened partisan identity and the activism, bias, and anger that result from strong identities, even though issue positions have not undergone the same degree of polarization. The result is a nation that agrees on many things but is bitterly divided nonetheless. An examination of ANES data finds strong support for these hypotheses.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LDFKNFE9\Mason - 2015 - “I Disrespectfully Agree” The Differential Effect.pdf}
}

@article{masonIdeologuesIssuesPolarizing2018,
  title = {Ideologues without {{Issues}}: {{The Polarizing Consequences}} of {{Ideological Identities}}},
  shorttitle = {Ideologues without {{Issues}}},
  author = {Mason, Lilliana},
  date = {2018-04-11},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {82},
  number = {S1},
  pages = {866--887},
  issn = {0033-362X, 1537-5331},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfy005},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/poq/article/82/S1/866/4951269},
  urldate = {2024-03-27},
  abstract = {The distinction between a person’s ideological identity and their issue positions has come more clearly into focus in recent research. Scholars have pointed out a significant difference between identitybased and issue-based ideology in the American electorate. However, the affective and social effects of these separate elements of ideology have not been sufficiently explored. Drawing on a national sample collected by SSI and data from the 2016 ANES, this article finds that the identitybased elements of ideology are capable of driving heightened levels of affective polarization against outgroup ideologues, even at low levels of policy attitude extremity or constraint. These findings demonstrate how Americans can use ideological terms to disparage political opponents without necessarily holding constrained sets of policy attitudes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2KPJDWQ6\Mason - 2018 - Ideologues without Issues The Polarizing Conseque.pdf}
}

@online{mattilaCautiousVotersSupportive2006,
  title = {Cautious {{Voters}} -{{Supportive Parties}}},
  author = {Mattila, Miko and Tapio, Raunio},
  date = {2006},
  doi = {10.1177/1465116506069434},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/1465116506069434},
  urldate = {2024-12-10},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\5HHD854E\\Cautious Voters -Supportive Parties.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\VDUEGALX\\1465116506069434.html}
}

@incollection{mccraeChapter31Conceptions1997,
  title = {Chapter 31 - {{Conceptions}} and {{Correlates}} of {{Openness}} to {{Experience}}},
  booktitle = {Handbook of {{Personality Psychology}}},
  author = {McCrae, Robert R. and Costa, Paul T.},
  editor = {Hogan, Robert and Johnson, John and Briggs, Stephen},
  date = {1997-01-01},
  pages = {825--847},
  publisher = {Academic Press},
  location = {San Diego},
  doi = {10.1016/B978-012134645-4/50032-9},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780121346454500329},
  urldate = {2024-08-06},
  abstract = {This chapter discusses the openness which cannot be understood as the culture that is acquired through education or good breeding, not as intellect or any other cognitive ability. Openness must be viewed in both structural and motivational terms. Openness is seen in the breadth, depth, and permeability of consciousness and in the recurrent need to enlarge and examine experience. Openness also suggests a passive or uncritical receptivity, which is clearly inappropriate. Open people actively seek out experience and are apt to be particularly reflective and thoughtful about the ideas they encounter. A structural account of openness may be necessary, but it does not seem to be sufficient. Open people are not the passive recipients of a barrage of experiences they are unable to screen out; they actively seek out new and varied experiences. Openness involves motivation, needs for variety cognition sentience, and understanding. The heritability of openness might be explained by the heritability of intelligence. Psychologists have spent more time and effort studying intelligence, than any other trait by adopting the term “Intellect.” Personality psychologists could claim this vast literature as their own. Openness could be construed as intelligence itself or as the reflection of intelligence in the personality sphere.},
  isbn = {978-0-12-134645-4}
}

@article{mcdonnellMunicipalitySizePolitical2020,
  title = {Municipality Size, Political Efficacy and Political Participation: A Systematic Review},
  shorttitle = {Municipality Size, Political Efficacy and Political Participation},
  author = {McDonnell, Joshua},
  date = {2020-05-03},
  journaltitle = {Local Government Studies},
  volume = {46},
  number = {3},
  pages = {331--350},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0300-3930},
  doi = {10.1080/03003930.2019.1600510},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2019.1600510},
  urldate = {2025-01-29},
  abstract = {It is an old adage that local government is a training ground for democracy. Its human scale means that political amateurs can contribute effectively and meaningfully to the politics of a state. But in a political climate seemingly driven to consolidate local government into ever larger units, can a not so local local government still elicit an efficacious and participatory citizenry? This paper explores the effect of municipality population size on two important aspects of democratic culture: political efficacy and political participation. Via a two-part systematic review, the paper examines how extant empirical literature bears on the relationship between size and both of these aspects, hypothesising that political efficacy plays a mediating role between size and participation. The findings are unequivocal: citizens of smaller municipalities feel a greater sense of political efficacy and participate to a greater degree in local politics.},
  keywords = {amalgamation,Local government,political alienation,political efficacy,political participation,systematic review},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WQJKVRZK\McDonnell - 2020 - Municipality size, political efficacy and political participation a systematic review.pdf}
}

@article{mcevoyUnequalRepresentationEu2012,
  title = {Unequal {{Representation}} in the {{Eu}}: {{A Multi-Level Analysis}} of {{Voter}}–{{Party Congruence}} in {{Ep Elections}}},
  shorttitle = {Unequal {{Representation}} in the {{Eu}}},
  author = {McEvoy, Caroline},
  date = {2012-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Representation},
  volume = {48},
  number = {1},
  pages = {83--99},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0034-4893},
  doi = {10.1080/00344893.2012.653243},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2012.653243},
  urldate = {2025-06-18},
  abstract = {This article analyses unequal representation in the EU by using a multi-level model to examine voter–party congruence across three policy dimensions in EP elections. Taking data from the European Election Study and the Chapel Hill expert surveys, I find that congruence is weaker amongst citizens who don't vote in EP elections, who switch party preferences between national and EP elections and who have low political knowledge but find limited evidence that smaller and ideologically extreme parties are more congruent with their support base.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HQCE7UIQ\McEvoy - 2012 - Unequal Representation in the Eu A Multi-Level Analysis of Voter–Party Congruence in Ep Elections.pdf}
}

@article{meffertMoreWishfulThinking2011,
  title = {More than Wishful Thinking: {{Causes}} and Consequences of Voters’ Electoral Expectations about Parties and Coalitions},
  shorttitle = {More than Wishful Thinking},
  author = {Meffert, Michael F. and Huber, Sascha and Gschwend, Thomas and Pappi, Franz Urban},
  date = {2011-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {30},
  number = {4},
  pages = {804--815},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2011.08.001},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379411001004},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Accurate expectations about the outcome of elections play a central role in psychological and economic theories of voting. In the paper, three questions about voters’ expectations are investigated. First, we identify and test several factors that influence the overall accuracy or quality of voters’ expectations. Second, the phenomenon of “wishful thinking” is tested and confirmed for expectations about the electoral performance of individual parties and coalitions. Finally, two mechanisms how expectations might influence voting behavior are identified and tested. Based on surveys from Austria and Germany, the results suggest that voters not only rely on expectations to avoid casting “wasted” votes for parties without electoral chances, but that they are able to engage in fairly sophisticated strategic coalition voting.},
  keywords = {Bandwagon effect,Electoral expectations,Strategic voting,Wishful thinking}
}

@article{meffertMoreWishfulThinking2011a,
  title = {More than Wishful Thinking: {{Causes}} and Consequences of Voters’ Electoral Expectations about Parties and Coalitions},
  shorttitle = {More than Wishful Thinking},
  author = {Meffert, Michael F. and Huber, Sascha and Gschwend, Thomas and Pappi, Franz Urban},
  date = {2011-12},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {30},
  number = {4},
  pages = {804--815},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2011.08.001},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0261379411001004},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Accurate expectations about the outcome of elections play a central role in psychological and economic theories of voting. In the paper, three questions about voters’ expectations are investigated. First, we identify and test several factors that influence the overall accuracy or quality of voters’ expectations. Second, the phenomenon of “wishful thinking” is tested and confirmed for expectations about the electoral performance of individual parties and coalitions. Finally, two mechanisms how expectations might influence voting behavior are identified and tested. Based on surveys from Austria and Germany, the results suggest that voters not only rely on expectations to avoid casting “wasted” votes for parties without electoral chances, but that they are able to engage in fairly sophisticated strategic coalition voting.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\MQGM8F9T\Meffert et al. - 2011 - More than wishful thinking Causes and consequence.pdf}
}

@article{menoldRatingScaleLabelingOnline2020,
  title = {Rating-{{Scale Labeling}} in {{Online Surveys}}: {{An Experimental Comparison}} of {{Verbal}} and {{Numeric Rating Scales}} with {{Respect}} to {{Measurement Quality}} and {{Respondents}}’ {{Cognitive Processes}}},
  shorttitle = {Rating-{{Scale Labeling}} in {{Online Surveys}}},
  author = {Menold, Natalja},
  date = {2020-02-01},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Methods \& Research},
  volume = {49},
  number = {1},
  pages = {79--107},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0049-1241},
  doi = {10.1177/0049124117729694},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0049124117729694},
  urldate = {2025-04-03},
  abstract = {Unlike other data collection modes, the effect of labeling rating scales on reliability and validity, as relevant aspects of measurement quality, has seldom been addressed in online surveys. In this study, verbal and numeric rating scales were compared in split-ballot online survey experiments. In the first experiment, respondents’ cognitive processes were observed by means of eye tracking, that is, determining the respondent’s fixations in different areas of the screen. In the remaining experiments, data for reliability and validity analysis were collected from a German adult sample. The results show that respondents needed more fixations and more time to endorse a category when a rating scale had numeric labels. Cross-sectional reliability was lower and some hypotheses with respect to the criterion validity could not be supported when numeric rating scales were used. In conclusion, theoretical considerations and the empirical results contradict the current broad usage of numeric scales in online surveys.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\C6I2UXKV\Menold - 2020 - Rating-Scale Labeling in Online Surveys An Experimental Comparison of Verbal and Numeric Rating Sca.pdf}
}

@article{merollaStrategicVotingCanada2007,
  title = {Strategic Voting in {{Canada}}: {{A Cross Time Analysis}}},
  shorttitle = {Strategic Voting in {{Canada}}},
  author = {Merolla, Jennifer L. and Stephenson, Laura B.},
  date = {2007-06},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {26},
  number = {2},
  pages = {235--246},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2006.02.003},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0261379406000229},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  abstract = {Canada seems to refute Duverger’s Law by sustaining more than two political parties in a plurality system, suggesting that Canadian voters do not utilize the ‘‘wasted vote’’ calculus. However, many studies have found evidence of strategic voting in the electorate, although the work is limited because scholars have typically tested varying models at single points in time. This paper uses data from Canadian federal elections from 1988 to 2000 to test the expected utility model, developed by McKelvey and Ordeshook (1972), on those with an incentive to vote strategically across all four elections. We extend the model to test hypotheses related to party system changes and individual factors (minor party support and political sophistication). Our findings strongly support the model and many of the individual level hypotheses, although the results pertaining to the system level hypotheses are mixed.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\4GMFS5Y4\Merolla and Stephenson - 2007 - Strategic voting in Canada A Cross Time Analysis.pdf}
}

@article{metzgerCredibilityTrustInformation2013,
  title = {Credibility and Trust of Information in Online Environments: {{The}} Use of Cognitive Heuristics},
  shorttitle = {Credibility and Trust of Information in Online Environments},
  author = {Metzger, Miriam J. and Flanagin, Andrew J.},
  date = {2013-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Pragmatics},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Pragmatics},
  series = {Biases and Constraints in Communication: {{Argumentation}}, Persuasion and Manipulation},
  volume = {59},
  pages = {210--220},
  issn = {0378-2166},
  doi = {10.1016/j.pragma.2013.07.012},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0378216613001768},
  urldate = {2025-02-06},
  abstract = {Networked digital media present new challenges for people to locate information that they can trust. At the same time, societal reliance on information that is available solely or primarily via the Internet is increasing. This article discusses how and why digitally networked communication environments alter traditional notions of trust, and presents research that examines how information consumers make judgments about the credibility and accuracy of information they encounter online. Based on this research, the article focuses on the use of cognitive heuristics in credibility evaluation. Findings from recent studies are used to illustrate the types of cognitive heuristics that information consumers employ when determining what sources and information to trust online. The article concludes with an agenda for future research that is needed to better understand the role and influence of cognitive heuristics in credibility evaluation in computer-mediated communication contexts.},
  keywords = {Cognitive heuristics,Credibility,Trust},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ES22FY7F\S0378216613001768.html}
}

@article{meyerImpactEducationPolitical2017,
  title = {The Impact of Education on Political Ideology: {{Evidence}} from {{European}} Compulsory Education Reforms},
  shorttitle = {The Impact of Education on Political Ideology},
  author = {Meyer, Andrew G.},
  date = {2017-02-01},
  journaltitle = {Economics of Education Review},
  shortjournal = {Economics of Education Review},
  volume = {56},
  pages = {9--23},
  issn = {0272-7757},
  doi = {10.1016/j.econedurev.2016.11.003},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0272775716301704},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  abstract = {Previous research documents a correlation between education and political ideology, usually indicating a positive relationship between education and left-wing political views. In this paper, I examine to what extent this association is causal. I merge political ideology data from 25 waves of Eurobarometer surveys with information on 18 educational reforms in 11 European countries. I then instrument for educational attainment with a regression discontinuity design that estimates the increase in education due to compulsory educational reforms. Notably, it appears that omitted variables bias is important here. I find a significant causal effect of education moving individuals to the right when properly addressing the endogeneity whereas there is a significant association between education and left-wing political ideology when treating education as exogenous. I find that on average, among the individuals compelled into additional education from these specific reforms, an additional year of education moves individuals to the right of the political continuum by about 5–6\%. However, I also find no evidence of a causal effect on political ideology for a subgroup of countries.},
  keywords = {Compulsory education reforms,Education,Europe,Political ideology},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\TPGTDUXT\\Meyer - 2017 - The impact of education on political ideology Evi.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\WC6X6C3H\\S0272775716301704.html}
}

@article{mgregorVoterSincerityTimevotingdecision2012,
  title = {Voter Sincerity and the Time-of-Voting-Decision},
  author = {MGregor, Robert Michael},
  date = {2012-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {31},
  number = {4},
  pages = {715--725},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2012.07.002},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379412001011},
  urldate = {2024-11-07},
  abstract = {This article explores the relationship between vote sincerity and the time at which vote decisions are finalized. It posits that a specific set of competitive circumstances are necessary for insincere voting to occur, and that voters' understanding of these circumstances can be influenced by exposure to information during a campaign. The article introduces a new method of operationalizing a commonly overlooked type of insincere voting: the protest voter. As defined here, protest voters express their political dissatisfaction by supporting an uncompetitive non-traditional party that is not their first preference. Canadian Election Study data reveal that protest voters make up a small, but noteworthy segment of the electorate and that insincere voters tend to make their vote decisions relatively late.},
  keywords = {Campaign effects,Protest voting,Time-of-voting-decision,Voter sincerity}
}

@online{MiddleAlternativesRevisited,
  title = {Middle {{Alternatives Revisited}} - {{Patrick Sturgis}}, {{Caroline Roberts}}, {{Patten Smith}}, 2014},
  url = {https://journals-sagepub-com.ezproxy.its.uu.se/doi/10.1177/0049124112452527},
  urldate = {2025-03-11},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\KQZU8EZ4\0049124112452527.html}
}

@article{millerAttitudePolarizationPhenomenon1993,
  title = {The Attitude Polarization Phenomenon: {{Role}} of Response Measure, Attitude Extremity, and Behavioral Consequences of Reported Attitude Change},
  shorttitle = {The Attitude Polarization Phenomenon},
  author = {Miller, Arthur G. and McHoskey, John W. and Bane, Cynthia M. and Dowd, Timothy G.},
  date = {1993-04},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  volume = {64},
  number = {4},
  pages = {561--574},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  issn = {0022-3514},
  doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.64.4.561},
  url = {http://ezproxy.its.uu.se/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=pdh&AN=1993-25568-001&site=ehost-live&scope=site},
  urldate = {2025-03-20},
  abstract = {Four studies examined the generality of attitude polarization (C. G. Lord et al, 1979). Biased assimilation of essays on 2 controversial issues was substantial and correlated with reported attitude change. Polarization was observed for reported attitude change on capital punishment and generally stronger in Ss with extreme than moderate attitudes. Polarization was not indicated in a pre–post measurement design. For affirmative action, reported polarization was not observed. The hypothesis that Ss reporting polarization would subsequently write particularly strong essays was not supported, although those reporting depolarization wrote relatively weak essays. The results suggest the relevance of individual differences in reported attitude change but do not confirm the powerful inferences frequently drawn regarding the pervasive, undesirable consequences of self-reported attitude polarization. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Adult Attitudes,Attitude Change,Attitude Measures,behavioral consequences of self reported attitude change & polarization,college students,Consequence,response measure & attitude extremity},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\X5H7JG3W\Miller et al. - 1993 - The attitude polarization phenomenon Role of response measure, attitude extremity, and behavioral c.pdf}
}

@article{millerConstituencyInfluenceCongress1963,
  title = {Constituency {{Influence}} in {{Congress}}},
  author = {Miller, Warren E. and Stokes, Donald E.},
  date = {1963},
  journaltitle = {The American Political Science Review},
  volume = {57},
  number = {1},
  eprint = {1952717},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {45--56},
  publisher = {[American Political Science Association, Cambridge University Press]},
  issn = {0003-0554},
  doi = {10.2307/1952717},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/1952717},
  urldate = {2024-12-09},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\N9W3CCST\Miller and Stokes - 1963 - Constituency Influence in Congress.pdf}
}

@book{millerPolicyRepresentationWestern1999,
  title = {Policy {{Representation}} in {{Western Democracies}}},
  author = {Miller, Warren Edward},
  date = {1999},
  eprint = {uITBGJWH6y8C},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract = {Policy Representation in Western Democracies offers a comparative analysis of policy representation in five Western Democracies: France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the US. A leading group of authors examines the impact of belief systems and geographical and institutional characteristics on the match between the policy preferences of the electorate and those of their representatives. The book offers a variety of perspectives on the conceptualization, measurement, and interpretation of congruence between mass and elite opinion. The book also evaluates the consequences of different electoral systems for policy representation.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-829570-9},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {204},
  keywords = {Political Science / Comparative Politics,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy,Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections,Political Science / Political Process / General,Political Science / Public Policy / General}
}

@book{millerPolicyRepresentationWestern1999a,
  title = {Policy {{Representation}} in {{Western Democracies}}},
  author = {Miller, Warren Edward},
  date = {1999},
  eprint = {uITBGJWH6y8C},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract = {Policy Representation in Western Democracies offers a comparative analysis of policy representation in five Western Democracies: France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the US. A leading group of authors examines the impact of belief systems and geographical and institutional characteristics on the match between the policy preferences of the electorate and those of their representatives. The book offers a variety of perspectives on the conceptualization, measurement, and interpretation of congruence between mass and elite opinion. The book also evaluates the consequences of different electoral systems for policy representation.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-829570-9},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {204},
  keywords = {Political Science / Comparative Politics,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy,Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections,Political Science / Political Process / General,Political Science / Public Policy / General}
}

@article{mondakFrameworkStudyPersonality2008,
  title = {A {{Framework}} for the {{Study}} of {{Personality}} and {{Political Behaviour}}},
  author = {Mondak, Jeffery J. and Halperin, Karen D.},
  date = {2008-04},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {38},
  number = {2},
  pages = {335--362},
  issn = {1469-2112, 0007-1234},
  doi = {10.1017/S0007123408000173},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/british-journal-of-political-science/article/framework-for-thestudy-of-personality-and-political-behaviour/4B582B2ED7C5B9D420D18E154B6B3C48},
  urldate = {2024-06-27},
  abstract = {Variance in how citizens interact with the political world constitutes one of many classes of individual difference. Understanding the antecedents of this variance is the central objective for students of political behaviour, and researchers draw on numerous factors in addressing this task. Unfortunately, one potentially vital factor, personality, has received only sporadic attention in recent decades. Neglect of personality was understandable for many years, as psychological research on personality failed to produce concise taxonomies applicable to the study of politics. As the present analysis demonstrates, however, this situation has changed. Research on personality has gained new footing with the emergence of a series of five-factor models, and these frameworks hold great potential for the study of political behaviour. This thesis is advanced in a two-part analysis. First, we outline how and why our understanding of citizen politics may be improved through application of five-factor models of personality. In doing so, we focus on the components of one specific taxonomy, the Big Five lexical model. Secondly, using three datasets, we explore the link between the Big Five personality factors and a wide array of political attitudes and behaviours. Results reveal that all facets of personality captured by the Big Five framework matter for citizen politics, and that personality effects operate on virtually all aspects of political behaviour. These findings demonstrate the insight that can emerge with further application of broad-scale models of personality.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\STKEHCGE\Mondak and Halperin - 2008 - A Framework for the Study of Personality and Polit.pdf}
}

@article{moorsEffectLabelingNumbering2014,
  title = {The {{Effect}} of {{Labeling}} and {{Numbering}} of {{Response Scales}} on the {{Likelihood}} of {{Response Bias}}},
  author = {Moors, Guy and Kieruj, Natalia D. and Vermunt, Jeroen K.},
  date = {2014-08-01},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Methodology},
  volume = {44},
  number = {1},
  pages = {369--399},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0081-1750},
  doi = {10.1177/0081175013516114},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0081175013516114},
  urldate = {2025-04-03},
  abstract = {Extreme response style (ERS) and acquiescence response style (ARS) are among the most encountered problems in attitudinal research. The authors investigate whether the response bias caused by these response styles varies with following three aspects of question format: full versus end labeling, numbering answer categories, and bipolar versus agreement response scales. A questionnaire was distributed to a random sample of 5,351 respondents from the Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences household panel, of which a subsample was assigned to one of five conditions. The authors apply a latent class factor model that allows for diagnosing and correcting for ERS and ARS simultaneously. The results show clearly that both response styles are present in the data set, but ARS is less pronounced than ERS. With regard to format effects, the authors find that end labeling evokes more ERS than full labeling and that bipolar scales evoke more ERS than agreement style scales. With full labeling, ERS opposes opting for middle response categories, whereas end labeling distinguishes ERS from all other response categories. ARS did not significantly differ depending on test conditions.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RLH9HTB6\Moors et al. - 2014 - The Effect of Labeling and Numbering of Response Scales on the Likelihood of Response Bias.pdf}
}

@article{moorsEffectLabelingNumbering2014a,
  title = {The {{Effect}} of {{Labeling}} and {{Numbering}} of {{Response Scales}} on the {{Likelihood}} of {{Response Bias}}},
  author = {Moors, Guy and Kieruj, Natalia D. and Vermunt, Jeroen K.},
  date = {2014-08-01},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Methodology},
  volume = {44},
  number = {1},
  pages = {369--399},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0081-1750},
  doi = {10.1177/0081175013516114},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0081175013516114},
  urldate = {2025-05-15},
  abstract = {Extreme response style (ERS) and acquiescence response style (ARS) are among the most encountered problems in attitudinal research. The authors investigate whether the response bias caused by these response styles varies with following three aspects of question format: full versus end labeling, numbering answer categories, and bipolar versus agreement response scales. A questionnaire was distributed to a random sample of 5,351 respondents from the Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences household panel, of which a subsample was assigned to one of five conditions. The authors apply a latent class factor model that allows for diagnosing and correcting for ERS and ARS simultaneously. The results show clearly that both response styles are present in the data set, but ARS is less pronounced than ERS. With regard to format effects, the authors find that end labeling evokes more ERS than full labeling and that bipolar scales evoke more ERS than agreement style scales. With full labeling, ERS opposes opting for middle response categories, whereas end labeling distinguishes ERS from all other response categories. ARS did not significantly differ depending on test conditions.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\UDYPJXHR\Moors et al. - 2014 - The Effect of Labeling and Numbering of Response Scales on the Likelihood of Response Bias.pdf}
}

@article{morin-chasseBehavioralGeneticsPopulation2020,
  title = {Behavioral {{Genetics}}, {{Population Genetics}}, and {{Genetic Essentialism}}},
  author = {Morin-Chassé, Alexandre},
  date = {2020-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Science \& Education},
  shortjournal = {Sci \& Educ},
  volume = {29},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1595--1619},
  publisher = {Springer Netherlands},
  issn = {1573-1901},
  doi = {10.1007/s11191-020-00166-y},
  url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11191-020-00166-y},
  urldate = {2025-06-17},
  abstract = {The paper presents an experimental study that examines the conditions required for news about behavioral genetics to activate genetic essentialism beliefs. Nine hundred sixty-five adults living in the USA were randomly assigned to read either a control news article or one of the three versions of a news story about behavioral genetics. The cautious version presents a general introduction to behavioral genetics and examples while also discrediting the genetic determinist myth and clarifying that this field is not interested in studying differences between populations. Another version was identical to the cautious version, except that it mentioned high heritability estimates as supporting evidence. Finally, a third version included claims supporting Nicolas Wade’s (2014) main thesis, which argued that societies develop different institutions partly because of their population’s behavioral genetic predispositions. Compared to participants in the control group, those exposed to the high heritability version and the Wade’s thesis version reported higher scores on a scale measuring belief in genetics determinism. The results revealed no overall effect for the cautious version, but an exploratory interaction model indicates that reactions to this version vary depending on educational attainment. Implications and limitations are discussed.},
  issue = {6},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\YUEQFNG3\Morin-Chassé - 2020 - Behavioral Genetics, Population Genetics, and Genetic Essentialism.pdf}
}

@article{morin-chasseDiscordDNAIdeological2017,
  title = {Discord {{Over DNA}}: {{Ideological Responses}} to {{Scientific Communication}} about {{Genes}} and {{Race}}},
  shorttitle = {Discord {{Over DNA}}},
  author = {Morin-Chassé, Alexandre and Suhay, Elizabeth and Jayaratne, Toby E.},
  date = {2017-09},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics},
  volume = {2},
  number = {2},
  pages = {260--299},
  issn = {2056-6085},
  doi = {10.1017/rep.2017.17},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-race-ethnicity-and-politics/article/discord-over-dna-ideological-responses-to-scientific-communication-about-genes-and-race1/BB9E128B2CB58A392D813769993538D3},
  urldate = {2025-09-22},
  abstract = {The American public's beliefs about the causes of social inequality vary greatly, with debates over the causes of racial inequality tending to be the most salient and divisive. Among whites in particular, liberals tend to see inequality as rooted in society's ills, whereas conservatives tend to see inequality as rooted in individuals’ shortcomings. Given this, many infer that white conservatives are more likely than white liberals to adopt the controversial view that racial inequality is “natural,” i.e., due to genetically inherited characteristics. We argue that genetic explanations for racial inequality, in and of themselves, offer little appeal to white conservatives. However, when white citizens are exposed to media messages that emphasize the egalitarian implications of genetic similarity between racial groups, those on the left and right engage in biased assimilation, resulting in a “nature” (conservative) versus “nurture” (liberal) divide. Data from two studies of white Americans—one representative survey and one experiment—support this theoretical framework.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {genetic attributions,motivated cognition,political ideology,racial inequality,science communication},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5T64XEYZ\Morin-Chassé et al. - 2017 - Discord Over DNA Ideological Responses to Scientific Communication about Genes and Race.pdf}
}

@article{morin-chasseGeneticEssentialismSupporters2025,
  title = {Genetic {{Essentialism Among Supporters}} of {{Populist Radical-Right Parties}}: {{Evidence From Sweden}} and {{Norway}}},
  shorttitle = {Genetic {{Essentialism Among Supporters}} of {{Populist Radical-Right Parties}}},
  author = {Morin-Chassé, Alexandre},
  date = {2025-03-01},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  shortjournal = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  volume = {37},
  number = {1},
  pages = {edae058},
  issn = {1471-6909},
  doi = {10.1093/ijpor/edae058},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edae058},
  urldate = {2025-06-18},
  abstract = {In recent years, at least 3 extreme-right terrorists have justified their mass murders and racist ideology by citing behavioral genetic studies or concepts. Some of their manifestos promoted an essentialist view of biology, with genes portrayed as being racially clustered and reliable predictors of social abilities and behavior. This research note examines a critical question that remains unaddressed: do conventional supporters of populist radical right parties also endorse genetic essentialism? A brief literature review presents key concepts, theoretical explanations, and hypotheses. The empirical section tests the genetic essentialism hypothesis in 2 Nordic countries: Sweden, among supporters of the Sweden Democrats (SD), and Norway, among supporters of the Progress Party (FrP). While both studies confirm key expectations, the results show more substantial effects in Sweden, where an exponential function best represents the relation between genetic essentialism and support for the SD. This finding raises concerns for minority rights, as research indicates that genetic essentialists tend to support eugenic policies. This paper concludes by discussing how researchers in behavioral genetics can help prevent or invalidate misuses of their work.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\R8AM6SN6\Morin-Chassé - 2025 - Genetic Essentialism Among Supporters of Populist Radical-Right Parties Evidence From Sweden and No.pdf}
}

@article{mottaKnowingLessPresuming2018,
  title = {Knowing Less but Presuming More: {{Dunning-Kruger}} Effects and the Endorsement of Anti-Vaccine Policy Attitudes},
  shorttitle = {Knowing Less but Presuming More},
  author = {Motta, Matthew and Callaghan, Timothy and Sylvester, Steven},
  date = {2018-08},
  journaltitle = {SOCIAL SCIENCE \& MEDICINE},
  shortjournal = {Soc. Sci. Med.},
  volume = {211},
  pages = {274--281},
  publisher = {Pergamon-Elsevier Science Ltd},
  location = {Oxford},
  issn = {0277-9536, 1873-5347},
  doi = {10.1016/j.socscimed.2018.06.032},
  url = {https://www.webofscience.com/api/gateway?GWVersion=2&SrcAuth=DOISource&SrcApp=WOS&KeyAID=10.1016%2Fj.socscimed.2018.06.032&DestApp=DOI&SrcAppSID=EUW1ED0DA2CPvchuVoFvYtuQJPWKd&SrcJTitle=SOCIAL+SCIENCE+%26+MEDICINE&DestDOIRegistrantName=Elsevier},
  urldate = {2025-02-03},
  abstract = {Objective: Although the benefits of vaccines are widely recognized by medical experts, public opinion about vaccination policies is mixed. We analyze public opinion about vaccination policies to assess whether Dunning-Kruger effects can help to explain anti-vaccination policy attitudes. Rationale: People low in autism awareness that is, the knowledge of basic facts and dismissal of misinformation about autism should be the most likely to think that they are better informed than medical experts about the causes of autism (a Dunning-Kruger effect). This "overconfidence" should be associated with decreased support for mandatory vaccination policies and skepticism about the role that medical professionals play in the policymaking process. Method: In an original survey of U.S. adults (N = 1310), we modeled self-reported overconfidence as a function of responses to a knowledge test about the causes of autism, and the endorsement of misinformation about a link between vaccines and autism. We then modeled anti-vaccination policy support and attitudes toward the role that experts play in the policymaking process as a function of overconfidence and the autism awareness indicators while controlling for potential confounding factors. Results: More than a third of respondents in our sample thought that they knew as much or more than doctors (36\%) and scientists (34\%) about the causes of autism. Our analysis indicates that this overconfidence is highest among those with low levels of knowledge about the causes of autism and those with high levels of misinformation endorsement. Further, our results suggest that this overconfidence is associated with opposition to mandatory vaccination policy. Overconfidence is also associated with increased support for the role that non experts (e.g., celebrities) play in the policymaking process. Conclusion: Dunning-Kruger effects can help to explain public opposition to vaccination policies and should be carefully considered in future research on anti-vaccine policy attitudes.},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {8},
  keywords = {Anti-vax,BALANCE,BELIEFS,BOX,CONSEQUENCES,Dunning-kruger effects,FALSE,Health policy,IMMUNIZATION,MISINFORMATION,Political psychology,SCIENCE,Vaccines},
  annotation = {Web of Science ID: WOS:000441486000032}
}

@incollection{mullins-sweattClinicalUtilityFive2017,
  title = {Clinical {{Utility}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Mullins-Sweatt, Stephanie and Samuel, Douglas B. and Helle, Ashley},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.7},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.7},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the clinical utility of the Five Factor Model (FFM). This chapter will consider the clinical application of the FFM for treatment in general, but its primary focus will be on the clinical utility of an FFM of personality disorders. Discussed herein will be the three fundamental components of clinical utility: ease of usage, communication, and treatment planning. Empirical research concerning the clinical utility of the FFM also will be considered in terms of the three components. Finally, research and examination of clincians’ perspectives of the utilty of categorical and dimensional models of personality will be discussed.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\56I7EMZ4\\Mullins-Sweatt et al. - 2017 - Clinical Utility of the Five Factor Model.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\M7AIMZRK\\211690137.html}
}

@article{mummoloLimitsPartisanLoyalty2021,
  title = {The {{Limits}} of {{Partisan Loyalty}}},
  author = {Mummolo, Jonathan and Peterson, Erik and Westwood, Sean},
  date = {2021-09},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {43},
  number = {3},
  pages = {949--972},
  issn = {0190-9320, 1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-019-09576-3},
  url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-019-09576-3},
  urldate = {2025-10-20},
  abstract = {While partisan cues tend to dominate political choice, prior work shows that competing information can rival the effects of partisanship if it relates to salient political issues. But what are the limits of partisan loyalty? How much electoral leeway do co-partisan candidates have to deviate from the party line on important issues? We answer this question using conjoint survey experiments that characterize the role of partisanship relative to issues. We demonstrate a pattern of conditional party loyalty. Partisanship dominates electoral choice when elections center on low-salience issues. But while partisan loyalty is strong, it is finite: the average voter is more likely than not to vote for the co-partisan candidate until that candidate takes dissonant stances on four or more salient issues. These findings illuminate when and why partisanship fails to dominate political choice. They also suggest that, on many issues, public opinion minimally constrains politicians.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\B8T3E67T\Mummolo et al. - 2021 - The Limits of Partisan Loyalty.pdf}
}

@article{mummoloLimitsPartisanLoyalty2021a,
  title = {The {{Limits}} of {{Partisan Loyalty}}},
  author = {Mummolo, Jonathan and Peterson, Erik and Westwood, Sean},
  date = {2021-09},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {43},
  number = {3},
  pages = {949--972},
  issn = {0190-9320, 1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-019-09576-3},
  url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-019-09576-3},
  urldate = {2025-10-20},
  abstract = {While partisan cues tend to dominate political choice, prior work shows that competing information can rival the effects of partisanship if it relates to salient political issues. But what are the limits of partisan loyalty? How much electoral leeway do co-partisan candidates have to deviate from the party line on important issues? We answer this question using conjoint survey experiments that characterize the role of partisanship relative to issues. We demonstrate a pattern of conditional party loyalty. Partisanship dominates electoral choice when elections center on low-salience issues. But while partisan loyalty is strong, it is finite: the average voter is more likely than not to vote for the co-partisan candidate until that candidate takes dissonant stances on four or more salient issues. These findings illuminate when and why partisanship fails to dominate political choice. They also suggest that, on many issues, public opinion minimally constrains politicians.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DNLCJK4Q\Mummolo et al. - 2021 - The Limits of Partisan Loyalty.pdf}
}

@article{mummoloLimitsPartisanLoyalty2021b,
  title = {The {{Limits}} of {{Partisan Loyalty}}},
  author = {Mummolo, Jonathan and Peterson, Erik and Westwood, Sean},
  date = {2021-09},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {43},
  number = {3},
  pages = {949--972},
  issn = {0190-9320, 1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-019-09576-3},
  url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11109-019-09576-3},
  urldate = {2025-10-21},
  abstract = {While partisan cues tend to dominate political choice, prior work shows that competing information can rival the effects of partisanship if it relates to salient political issues. But what are the limits of partisan loyalty? How much electoral leeway do co-partisan candidates have to deviate from the party line on important issues? We answer this question using conjoint survey experiments that characterize the role of partisanship relative to issues. We demonstrate a pattern of conditional party loyalty. Partisanship dominates electoral choice when elections center on low-salience issues. But while partisan loyalty is strong, it is finite: the average voter is more likely than not to vote for the co-partisan candidate until that candidate takes dissonant stances on four or more salient issues. These findings illuminate when and why partisanship fails to dominate political choice. They also suggest that, on many issues, public opinion minimally constrains politicians.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\97LRVSDP\Mummolo et al. - 2021 - The Limits of Partisan Loyalty.pdf}
}

@online{MunicipalSizeLocal,
  title = {Municipal {{Size}} and {{Local Nonelectoral Participation}}: {{Findings}} from {{Denmark}}, the {{Netherlands}}, and {{Norway}}},
  shorttitle = {Municipal {{Size}} and {{Local Nonelectoral Participation}}},
  doi = {10.1068/c0227},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1068/c0227},
  urldate = {2024-12-16},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FFN8FGAT\c0227.html}
}

@article{munobwaDiversityBarometer20202021,
  title = {Diversity {{Barometer}} 2020: {{Attitudes}} towards {{Immigration}} and {{Ethnic Diversity}} in {{Sweden}}},
  shorttitle = {Diversity {{Barometer}} 2020},
  author = {Munobwa, Jimmy Stephen and Ahmadi, Fereshteh and Darvishpour, Mehrdad},
  date = {2021-10-19},
  journaltitle = {Social Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Social Sciences},
  volume = {10},
  number = {10},
  pages = {401},
  issn = {2076-0760},
  doi = {10.3390/socsci10100401},
  url = {https://www.mdpi.com/2076-0760/10/10/401},
  urldate = {2024-10-03},
  abstract = {Migration is topical in many counties, and attitudes towards immigration and ethnic diversity are volatile. In our longitudinal “Diversity Barometer”, we have studied changes in Swedes’ attitudes towards immigration and ethnic diversity in Sweden since 2005, using a postal questionnaire sent to a random sample of the Swedish population aged 18–75. In this article, we analyzed data from 2020 (n = 1035) in comparison with previous Diversity Barometer surveys from 2005 to 2018. The findings showed that Swedes had increased contact with immigrants from the Middle East, Asia and Africa. The majority had good experiences of studying or working with people with foreign background, although those with bad experiences had also increased. Attitudes towards immigration and ethnic diversity were more positive in 2020, thereby stopping a negative trend that started with the refugee influx in 2015. Positive attitudes were more established among women, younger people, those with higher education, people living in larger cities and those with more contact with people with foreign background. Sympathizers of political parties closer to the left wing were more positive towards immigration and ethnic diversity. We used political correctness, contact theory, strain theory and theory about group conflict/threats to provide hypothetical explanations for the observed changes in attitudes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BULIMJ48\Munobwa et al. - 2021 - Diversity Barometer 2020 Attitudes towards Immigr.pdf}
}

@article{munzertOnlineVoterGuides2020,
  title = {Do {{Online Voter Guides Empower Citizens}}?: {{Evidence}} from a {{Field Experiment}} with {{Digital Trace Data}}},
  shorttitle = {Do {{Online Voter Guides Empower Citizens}}?},
  author = {Munzert, Simon and BarberÁ, Pablo and Guess, Andrew and Yang, JungHwan},
  date = {2020-10-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Public Opin Q},
  volume = {84},
  number = {3},
  pages = {675--698},
  issn = {0033-362X},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfaa037},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfaa037},
  urldate = {2025-10-23},
  abstract = {Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), which provide citizens with information on the party that best represents their political preferences, are often cited as evidence of the empowering capabilities of digital tools. Aside from the informational benefits of these voter guides, observational studies have suggested a strong effect on political participation and vote choice. However, existing impact evaluations have been limited by a reliance on convenience samples, lack of random assignment, or both. This raises questions about self-selection and the precise mechanisms underlying how voters learn about politics. Here, we provide evidence from a field experiment with survey outcomes conducted with a sample of over 1,000 German citizens in the 2017 federal election campaign. Using linked panel survey and digital trace data combined with a randomized encouragement to complete a VAA, we assess respondents’ compliance with treatment and observe how the use of this tool affects political behavior, attitudes, media consumption, political knowledge, and even social media activity. Our findings reveal that the overwhelming consensus in favor of positive effects on turnout and vote choice should be treated with caution, as we find no such effects. Rather, the actual virtue of VAAs in a complex online information environment lies in increasing knowledge about parties’ positions on issues—exactly the kind of information these tools were designed to provide.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8BT6VBZD\Munzert et al. - 2020 - Do Online Voter Guides Empower Citizens Evidence from a Field Experiment with Digital Trace Data.pdf}
}

@article{mutzCrosscuttingSocialNetworks2002,
  title = {Cross-Cutting {{Social Networks}}: {{Testing Democratic Theory}} in {{Practice}}},
  shorttitle = {Cross-Cutting {{Social Networks}}},
  author = {Mutz, Diana C.},
  date = {2002-03},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  shortjournal = {Am Polit Sci Rev},
  volume = {96},
  number = {1},
  pages = {111--126},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055402004264},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0003055402004264/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-04-05},
  abstract = {Exposure to conflicting political viewpoints is widely assumed to benefit the citizens of a democratic polity. Nonetheless, the benefits of exposure to heterogeneous political viewpoints have yet to be demonstrated empirically. Drawing on national survey data that tap characteristics of people's political discussion networks, I examine the impact of heterogeneous networks of political discussion on individuals' awareness of legitimate rationales for oppositional viewpoints, on their awareness of rationales for their own viewpoints, and on levels of political tolerance. Finally, utilizing a laboratory experiment manipulating exposure to dissonant and consonant political views, I further substantiate the causal role of cross-cutting exposure in fostering political tolerance.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2X8524DH\Mutz - 2002 - Cross-cutting Social Networks Testing Democratic .pdf}
}

@article{nadlerStuckMiddleUse2015,
  title = {Stuck in the {{Middle}}: {{The Use}} and {{Interpretation}} of {{Mid-Points}} in {{Items}} on {{Questionnaires}}},
  shorttitle = {Stuck in the {{Middle}}},
  author = {Nadler, Joel T. and Weston, Rebecca and Voyles, Elora C.},
  date = {2015-04-03},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of General Psychology},
  shortjournal = {The Journal of General Psychology},
  volume = {142},
  number = {2},
  pages = {71--89},
  issn = {0022-1309, 1940-0888},
  doi = {10.1080/00221309.2014.994590},
  url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00221309.2014.994590},
  urldate = {2025-05-13},
  abstract = {Likert-type scales are commonly used when assessing attitudes, personality characteristics, and other psychological variables. This study examined the effect of varying the number of response options on the same set of 28 attitudinal items. Participants answered items using either a 4-point scale (forced choice), a 5-point scale that included a “neither” mid-point, or a 4-point scale with an option of “no opinion” presented after the item. The questionnaire also included an item asking participants what they believe the midpoint in a scale indicated. As predicted, participants’ interpretations of the midpoint varied widely with the most common responses being: “no opinion,” “don’t care,” “unsure,” “neutral,” “equal/both,” and “neither.” The quantitative results showed that participants’ levels of item endorsement varied based on the response options offered. For example, “neither” was chosen more often than “no opinion” on all of the items.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\QVMBD9MW\Nadler et al. - 2015 - Stuck in the Middle The Use and Interpretation of Mid-Points in Items on Questionnaires.pdf}
}

@article{namScientificSupremacyHow2024,
  title = {Scientific Supremacy: {{How}} Do Genetic Narratives Relate to Racism?},
  shorttitle = {Scientific Supremacy},
  author = {Nam, H. Hannah and Sawyer, Katherine},
  date = {2024},
  journaltitle = {Politics and the Life Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Polit. life sci.},
  volume = {43},
  number = {1},
  pages = {99--131},
  issn = {0730-9384, 1471-5457},
  doi = {10.1017/pls.2023.15},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0730938423000151/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2025-06-17},
  abstract = {Recent research suggests that contemporary American society is marked by heightened hostile racial rhetoric, alongside increasing salience of White nationalists who justify an ideology of racial hierarchy with claims of biological superiority. Media coverage of such genetics research has often emphasized a deterministic (or causal) narrative by suggesting that specific genes directly increase negative outcomes and highlighting reported genetic differences between racial groups. Across two experimental studies, we examine the effect of the media’s portrayal of scientific findings linking genes with negative health and behavioral outcomes on measures of racism. We find that deterministic genetic attributions for health and behavioral outcomes can lead to more negative racial out-group attitudes. Importantly, we also investigate potential interventions in the presentation of genetic science research. Our research has implications for understanding racial attitudes and racialized ideology in contemporary American politics, as well as for framing scientific communication in intergroup contexts.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\PMEANIFJ\Nam and Sawyer - 2024 - Scientific supremacy How do genetic narratives relate to racism.pdf}
}

@article{niemiConstituencyCharacteristicsIndividual1992,
  title = {Constituency {{Characteristics}}, {{Individual Characteristics}} and {{Tactical Voting}} in the 1987 {{British General Election}}},
  author = {Niemi, Richard G. and Whitten, Guy and Franklin, Mark N.},
  date = {1992},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {22},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {194060},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {229--240},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  issn = {0007-1234},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/194060},
  urldate = {2024-09-23},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GUIRDVG6\Niemi et al. - 1992 - Constituency Characteristics, Individual Character.pdf}
}

@article{niemiPeopleWhoLive1993,
  title = {People {{Who Live}} in {{Glass Houses}}: {{A Response}} to {{Evans}} and {{Heath}}'s {{Critique}} of Our {{Note}} on {{Tactical Voting}}},
  shorttitle = {People {{Who Live}} in {{Glass Houses}}},
  author = {Niemi, Richard and Whitten, Guy and Franklin, Mark},
  date = {1993-10},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
  shortjournal = {Brit. J. Polit. Sci},
  volume = {23},
  number = {4},
  pages = {549--553},
  issn = {0007-1234, 1469-2112},
  doi = {10.1017/S0007123400006724},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0007123400006724/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-09-23},
  abstract = {In a recent Research Note, Evans and Heath cast doubt on the validity of our measure of tactical voting. We and our critics agree on a set of ‘Main reason’ tactical voters – those who said they voted tactically in response to the question, ‘What comes closest to the main reason you voted the way you did?’ Unlike our critics, we reasoned that many of those who cast a tactical vote would not be identified so simply. Some respondents may have been reluctant to say they had voted for other than the best party. Others may have convinced themselves that the ‘best’ party was one that had a chance of winning and therefore answered in such a way as to place themselves squarely among non-tactical voters even though in other tactical circumstances they would have voted differently. Consequently, we sought to identify tactical behaviour through additional questions. Our final measure of tactical voting can be regarded as containing two components: the ‘main reason’ voters, who expressly told interviewers they voted for one party while ‘really preferring’ some other party, and ‘Other reason’ voters, whom we identified as tactical by their responses to additional questions. It is the ‘Other reason’ voters who are at issue.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\4XU4S3G5\Niemi et al. - 1993 - People Who Live in Glass Houses A Response to Eva.pdf}
}

@article{norocelPopulistRadicalRight2016,
  title = {Populist Radical Right Protectors of the Folkhem: {{Welfare}} Chauvinism in {{Sweden}}},
  shorttitle = {Populist Radical Right Protectors of the Folkhem},
  author = {Norocel, Ov Cristian},
  date = {2016-08-01},
  journaltitle = {Critical Social Policy},
  volume = {36},
  number = {3},
  pages = {371--390},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {0261-0183},
  doi = {10.1177/0261018315621991},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0261018315621991},
  urldate = {2025-11-26},
  abstract = {The article scrutinises a version of welfare chauvinism taking shape in Sweden, by concentrating on the concept of folkhem (the [Swedish] people’s home), and examines how it was expressed in the 2010–2014 parliamentary activity of the Sweden Democrats. It offers an analysis of how the welfare chauvinism project is first contextualised in the party documents, and subsequently articulated in the party-endorsed parliamentary motions. The article is an analytical contribution to welfare studies and to analyses of the populist radical right, providing a critical inquiry into welfare chauvinism in Sweden. The article is also an empirical contribution to the study of the populist radical right in Sweden.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JWP9Z44T\Norocel - 2016 - Populist radical right protectors of the folkhem Welfare chauvinism in Sweden.pdf}
}

@incollection{oconnorRobustness2017,
  title = {Robustness},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {O'Connor, Brian},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.19},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.19},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {This article examines the effectiveness of the Five Factor Model (FFM) in capturing or duplicating the scales and primary dimensions found in other personality inventories. It considers the robustness—or “comprehensiveness”—of the FFM at both the scale and dimensional structure levels, as well as the nature and extent of the evidence for the FFM as an integrative, organizational framework for other personality tests. “Robustness” here refers to the tendency for the FFM dimensions to keep showing up in a wide range of old and new measures that were designed to assess supposedly unique and important other constructs. This article begins with a review of the primary findings that were reported by O’Connor (2002) before discussing the nature of dimensions in personality psychology data. It then evaluates the robustness of the FFM at the dimensional structure level and suggests directions for further research at the scale and dimensional structure levels.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\KYIRMXFN\\O'Connor - 2017 - Robustness.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\TDSEZ4R2\\211683331.html}
}

@book{oecdIndicatorsImmigrantIntegration2023,
  title = {Indicators of {{Immigrant Integration}} 2023: {{Settling In}}},
  shorttitle = {Indicators of {{Immigrant Integration}} 2023},
  author = {{OECD} and {European Commission}},
  date = {2023-06-15},
  series = {Indicators of {{Immigrant Integration}}},
  publisher = {OECD},
  doi = {10.1787/1d5020a6-en},
  url = {https://www.oecd.org/en/publications/indicators-of-immigrant-integration-2023_1d5020a6-en.html},
  urldate = {2025-06-17},
  isbn = {978-92-64-94177-9 978-92-64-59701-3 978-92-64-67583-4},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\V93HAPY4\OECD and European Commission - 2023 - Indicators of Immigrant Integration 2023 Settling In.pdf}
}

@article{oehlerRelationshipExtraversionNeuroticism2018,
  title = {The Relationship of Extraversion and Neuroticism with Risk Attitude, Risk Perception, and Return Expectations},
  author = {Oehler, Andreas and Wedlich, Florian},
  date = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Neuroscience, Psychology, and Economics},
  volume = {11},
  number = {2},
  pages = {63--92},
  publisher = {Educational Publishing Foundation},
  location = {US},
  issn = {2151-318X},
  doi = {10.1037/npe0000088},
  abstract = {We analyze the influence of individuals’ degree of extraversion and neuroticism on the determinants of their risk-taking behavior in investment decisions. As there are no studies that investigate the influence of personality traits on risk attitude, risk perception, and return expectations in investment decisions simultaneously, we provide a meaningful contribution to existing literature. We use a unique data set that contains 342 undergraduate business students’ questionnaire responses measuring the students’ degree of extraversion and neuroticism as well as their risk attitude, risk perception, and return expectations. Therefore, we are able to identify which determinants of risk-taking are influenced by extraversion and neuroticism and induce individuals to take investment risks. We find that more extraverted individuals are less risk averse, whereas more neurotic subjects are more risk averse. Beside these results, we find that more conscientious individuals are more risk averse and perceive investments in assets as more risky. Further research should consider individuals’ personality as an influence factor on the determinants of risk-taking behavior in investment decisions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Attitudes,Decision Making,Expectations,Extraversion,Neuroticism,Personality,Risk Perception,Test Construction},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\YCBDKK36\2018-19117-001.html}
}

@article{ojedaEffect11Heritability2016,
  title = {The {{Effect}} of 9/11 on the {{Heritability}} of {{Political Trust}}},
  author = {Ojeda, Christopher},
  date = {2016-02},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {37},
  number = {1},
  pages = {73--88},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12223},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12223},
  urldate = {2024-03-11},
  abstract = {Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, a rally effect led to a precipitous rise in political trust. However, the increase in political trust concealed a simultaneous decline among a smaller portion of the population. This article examines the psychological mechanisms underlying these heterogeneous attitudes towards government and shows that a biosocial model best explains the observed patterns of response. The interplay of genetic and environmental factors of political trust reveals the stable but dynamic nature of heritability: genetic influences of political trust increased immediately following 9/11 but quickly decayed to pre-9/11 levels.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6IY6545A\Ojeda - 2016 - The Effect of 911 on the Heritability of Politica.pdf}
}

@article{okbayGenomewideAssociationStudy2016,
  title = {Genome-Wide Association Study Identifies 74 Loci Associated with Educational Attainment},
  author = {Okbay, Aysu and Beauchamp, Jonathan P. and Fontana, Mark A. and Lee, James J. and Pers, Tune H. and Rietveld, Cornelius A. and Turley, Patrick and Chen, Guo-Bo and Emilsson, Valur and Meddens, S. Fleur W. and Oskarsson, Sven and Pickrell, Joseph K. and Thom, Kevin and Timshel, Pascal and family=Vlaming, given=Ronald, prefix=de, useprefix=true and Abdellaoui, Abdel and Ahluwalia, Tarunveer S. and Bacelis, Jonas and Baumbach, Clemens and Bjornsdottir, Gyda and Brandsma, Johannes H. and Concas, Maria Pina and Derringer, Jaime and Furlotte, Nicholas A. and Galesloot, Tessel E. and Girotto, Giorgia and Gupta, Richa and Hall, Leanne M. and Harris, Sarah E. and Hofer, Edith and Horikoshi, Momoko and Huffman, Jennifer E. and Kaasik, Kadri and Kalafati, Ioanna P. and Karlsson, Robert and Kong, Augustine and Lahti, Jari and family=Lee, given=Sven J., prefix=van der, useprefix=true and family=Leeuw, given=Christiaan, prefix=de, useprefix=true and Lind, Penelope A. and Lindgren, Karl-Oskar and Liu, Tian and Mangino, Massimo and Marten, Jonathan and Mihailov, Evelin and Miller, Michael B. and family=Most, given=Peter J., prefix=van der, useprefix=true and Oldmeadow, Christopher and Payton, Antony and Pervjakova, Natalia and Peyrot, Wouter J. and Qian, Yong and Raitakari, Olli and Rueedi, Rico and Salvi, Erika and Schmidt, Börge and Schraut, Katharina E. and Shi, Jianxin and Smith, Albert V. and Poot, Raymond A. and Pourcain, Beate and Teumer, Alexander and Thorleifsson, Gudmar and Verweij, Niek and Vuckovic, Dragana and Wellmann, Juergen and Westra, Harm-Jan and Yang, Jingyun and Zhao, Wei and Zhu, Zhihong and Alizadeh, Behrooz Z. and Amin, Najaf and Bakshi, Andrew and Baumeister, Sebastian E. and Biino, Ginevra and Bønnelykke, Klaus and Boyle, Patricia A. and Campbell, Harry and Cappuccio, Francesco P. and Davies, Gail and De Neve, Jan-Emmanuel and Deloukas, Panos and Demuth, Ilja and Ding, Jun and Eibich, Peter and Eisele, Lewin and Eklund, Niina and Evans68, David M. and Faul, Jessica D. and Feitosa, Mary F. and Forstner, Andreas J. and Gandin, Ilaria and Gunnarsson, Bjarni and Halldórsson, Bjarni V. and Harris, Tamara B. and Heath, Andrew C. and Hocking, Lynne J. and Holliday, Elizabeth G. and Homuth, Georg and Horan, Michael A. and Hottenga, Jouke-Jan and family=Jager, given=Philip L., prefix=de, useprefix=true and Joshi, Peter K. and Jugessur, Astanand and Kaakinen, Marika A. and Kähönen, Mika and Kanoni, Stavroula and Keltigangas-Järvinen, Liisa and Kiemeney, Lambertus A.L.M. and Kolcic, Ivana and Koskinen, Seppo and Kraja, Aldi T. and Kroh, Martin and Kutalik, Zoltan and Latvala, Antti and Launer, Lenore J. and Lebreton, Maël P. and Levinson, Douglas F. and Lichtenstein, Paul and Lichtner, Peter and Liewald, David C.M. and Loukola, Anu and Madden, Pamela A. and Mägi, Reedik and Mäki-Opas, Tomi and Marioni, Riccardo E. and Marques-Vidal, Pedro and Meddens, Gerardus A. and McMahon, George and Meisinger, Christa and Meitinger, Thomas and Milaneschi, Yusplitri and Milani, Lili and Montgomery, Grant W. and Myhre, Ronny and Nelson, Christopher P. and Nyholt, Dale R. and Ollier, William E.R. and Palotie, Aarno and Paternoster, Lavinia and Pedersen, Nancy L. and Petrovic, Katja E. and Porteous, David J. and Räikkönen, Katri and Ring, Susan M. and Robino, Antonietta and Rostapshova, Olga and Rudan, Igor and Rustichini, Aldo and Salomaa, Veikko and Sanders, Alan R. and Sarin, Antti-Pekka and Schmidt, Helena and Scott, Rodney J. and Smith, Blair H. and Smith, Jennifer A. and Staessen, Jan A. and Steinhagen-Thiessen, Elisabeth and Strauch, Konstantin and Terracciano, Antonio and Tobin, Martin D. and Ulivi, Sheila and Vaccargiu, Simona and Quaye, Lydia and family=Rooij, given=Frank J.A., prefix=van, useprefix=true and Venturini, Cristina and Vinkhuyzen, Anna A.E. and Völker, Uwe and Völzke, Henry and Vonk, Judith M. and Vozzi, Diego and Waage, Johannes and Ware, Erin B. and Willemsen, Gonneke and Attia, John R. and Bennett, David A. and Berger, Klaus and Bertram, Lars and Bisgaard, Hans and Boomsma, Dorret I. and Borecki, Ingrid B. and Bultmann, Ute and Chabris, Christopher F. and Cucca, Francesco and Cusi, Daniele and Deary, Ian J. and Dedoussis, George V. and family=Duijn, given=Cornelia M., prefix=van, useprefix=true and Eriksson, Johan G. and Franke, Barbara and Franke, Lude and Gasparini, Paolo and Gejman, Pablo V. and Gieger, Christian and Grabe, Hans-Jörgen and Gratten, Jacob and Groenen, Patrick J.F. and Gudnason, Vilmundur and family=Harst, given=Pim, prefix=van der, useprefix=true and Hayward, Caroline and Hinds, David A. and Hoffmann, Wolfgang and Hyppönen, Elina and Iacono, William G. and Jacobsson, Bo and Järvelin, Marjo-Riitta and Jöckel, Karl-Heinz and Kaprio, Jaakko and Kardia, Sharon L.R. and Lehtimäki, Terho and Lehrer, Steven F. and Magnusson, Patrik K.E. and Martin, Nicholas G. and McGue, Matt and Metspalu, Andres and Pendleton, Neil and Penninx, Brenda W.J.H. and Perola, Markus and Pirastu, Nicola and Pirastu, Mario and Polasek, Ozren and Posthuma, Danielle and Power, Christine and Province, Michael A. and Samani, Nilesh J. and Schlessinger, David and Schmidt, Reinhold and Sørensen, Thorkild I.A. and Spector, Tim D. and Stefansson, Kari and Thorsteinsdottir, Unnur and Thurik, A. Roy and Timpson, Nicholas J. and Tiemeier, Henning and Tung, Joyce Y. and Uitterlinden, André G. and Vitart, Veronique and Vollenweider, Peter and Weir, David R. and Wilson, James F. and Wright, Alan F. and Conley, Dalton C. and Krueger, Robert F. and Smith, George Davey and Hofman, Albert and Laibson, David I. and Medland, Sarah E. and Meyer, Michelle N. and Yang, Jian and Johannesson, Magnus and Visscher, Peter M. and Esko, Tõnu and Koellinger, Philipp D. and Cesarini, David and Benjamin, Daniel J.},
  date = {2016-05-11},
  journaltitle = {Nature},
  shortjournal = {Nature},
  volume = {533},
  number = {7604},
  eprint = {27225129},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {539--542},
  issn = {0028-0836},
  doi = {10.1038/nature17671},
  url = {https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4883595/},
  urldate = {2025-01-23},
  abstract = {Educational attainment (EA) is strongly influenced by social and other environmental factors, but genetic factors are also estimated to account for at least 20\% of the variation across individuals. We report the results of a genome-wide association study (GWAS) for EA that extends our earlier discovery sample, of 101,069 individuals to 293,723 individuals, and a replication in an independent sample of 111,349 individuals from the UK Biobank. We now identify 74 genome-wide significant loci associated with number of years of schooling completed. Single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) associated with educational attainment are disproportionately found in genomic regions regulating gene expression in the fetal brain. Candidate genes are preferentially expressed in neural tissue, especially during the prenatal period, and enriched for biological pathways involved in neural development. Our findings demonstrate that, even for a behavioral phenotype that is mostly environmentally determined, a well-powered GWAS identifies replicable associated genetic variants that suggest biologically relevant pathways. Because EA is measured in large numbers of individuals, it will continue to be useful as a proxy phenotype in efforts to characterize the genetic influences of related phenotypes, including cognition and neuropsychiatric disease.},
  pmcid = {PMC4883595},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\UAY666QD\Okbay et al. - 2016 - Genome-wide association study identifies 74 loci associated with educational attainment.pdf}
}

@article{okbayPolygenicPredictionEducational2022,
  title = {Polygenic Prediction of Educational Attainment within and between Families from Genome-Wide Association Analyses in 3 Million Individuals},
  author = {Okbay, Aysu and Wu, Yeda and Wang, Nancy and Jayashankar, Hariharan and Bennett, Michael and Nehzati, Seyed Moeen and Sidorenko, Julia and Kweon, Hyeokmoon and Goldman, Grant and Gjorgjieva, Tamara and Jiang, Yunxuan and Hicks, Barry and Tian, Chao and Hinds, David A. and Ahlskog, Rafael and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Oskarsson, Sven and Hayward, Caroline and Campbell, Archie and Porteous, David J. and Freese, Jeremy and Herd, Pamela and {23andMe Research Team} and Agee, Michelle and Alipanahi, Babak and Auton, Adam and Bell, Robert K. and Bryc, Katarzyna and Elson, Sarah L. and Fontanillas, Pierre and Furlotte, Nicholas A. and Hinds, David A. and Huber, Karen E. and Kleinman, Aaron and Litterman, Nadia K. and McCreight, Jennifer C. and McIntyre, Matthew H. and Mountain, Joanna L. and Northover, Carrie A. M. and Pitts, Steven J. and Sathirapongsasuti, J. Fah and Sazonova, Olga V. and Shelton, Janie F. and Shringarpure, Suyash and Tung, Joyce Y. and Vacic, Vladimir and Wilson, Catherine H. and {Social Science Genetic Association Consortium} and Fontana, Mark Alan and Pers, Tune H. and Rietveld, Cornelius A. and Chen, Guo-Bo and Emilsson, Valur and Meddens, S. Fleur W. and Pickrell, Joseph K. and Thom, Kevin and Timshel, Pascal and De Vlaming, Ronald and Abdellaoui, Abdel and Ahluwalia, Tarunveer S. and Bacelis, Jonas and Baumbach, Clemens and Bjornsdottir, Gyda and Brandsma, Johannes H. and Concas, Maria Pina and Derringer, Jaime and Galesloot, Tessel E. and Girotto, Giorgia and Gupta, Richa and Hall, Leanne M. and Harris, Sarah E. and Hofer, Edith and Horikoshi, Momoko and Huffman, Jennifer E. and Kaasik, Kadri and Kalafati, Ioanna P. and Karlsson, Robert and Lahti, Jari and Van Der Lee, Sven J. and De Leeuw, Christiaan and Lind, Penelope A. and Lindgren, Karl-Oskar and Liu, Tian and Mangino, Massimo and Marten, Jonathan and Mihailov, Evelin and Miller, Michael B. and Van Der Most, Peter J. and Oldmeadow, Christopher and Payton, Antony and Pervjakova, Natalia and Peyrot, Wouter J. and Qian, Yong and Raitakari, Olli and Rueedi, Rico and Salvi, Erika and Schmidt, Börge and Schraut, Katharina E. and Shi, Jianxin and Smith, Albert V. and Poot, Raymond A. and Pourcain, Beate St and Teumer, Alexander and Thorleifsson, Gudmar and Verweij, Niek and Vuckovic, Dragana and Wellmann, Juergen and Westra, Harm-Jan and Yang, Jingyun and Zhao, Wei and Zhu, Zhihong and Alizadeh, Behrooz Z. and Amin, Najaf and Bakshi, Andrew and Baumeister, Sebastian E. and Biino, Ginevra and Bønnelykke, Klaus and Boyle, Patricia A. and Campbell, Harry and Cappuccio, Francesco P. and Davies, Gail and De Neve, Jan-Emmanuel and Deloukas, Panos and Demuth, Ilja and Ding, Jun and Eibich, Peter and Eisele, Lewin and Eklund, Niina and Evans, David M. and Faul, Jessica D. and Feitosa, Mary F. and Forstner, Andreas J. and Gandin, Ilaria and Gunnarsson, Bjarni and Halldórsson, Bjarni V. and Harris, Tamara B. and Heath, Andrew C. and Hocking, Lynne J. and Holliday, Elizabeth G. and Homuth, Georg and Horan, Michael A. and Hottenga, Jouke-Jan and De Jager, Philip L. and Joshi, Peter K. and Jugessur, Astanand and Kaakinen, Marika A. and Kähönen, Mika and Kanoni, Stavroula and Keltigangas-Järvinen, Liisa and Kiemeney, Lambertus A. L. M. and Kolcic, Ivana and Koskinen, Seppo and Kraja, Aldi T. and Kroh, Martin and Kutalik, Zoltan and Latvala, Antti and Launer, Lenore J. and Lebreton, Maël P. and Levinson, Douglas F. and Lichtenstein, Paul and Lichtner, Peter and Liewald, David C. M. and {LifeLines Cohort Study} and Loukola, Anu and Madden, Pamela A. and Mägi, Reedik and Mäki-Opas, Tomi and Marioni, Riccardo E. and Marques-Vidal, Pedro and Meddens, Gerardus A. and McMahon, George and Meisinger, Christa and Meitinger, Thomas and Milaneschi, Yusplitri and Milani, Lili and Montgomery, Grant W. and Myhre, Ronny and Nelson, Christopher P. and Nyholt, Dale R. and Ollier, William E. R. and Palotie, Aarno and Paternoster, Lavinia and Pedersen, Nancy L. and Petrovic, Katja E. and Räikkönen, Katri and Ring, Susan M. and Robino, Antonietta and Rostapshova, Olga and Rudan, Igor and Rustichini, Aldo and Salomaa, Veikko and Sanders, Alan R. and Sarin, Antti-Pekka and Schmidt, Helena and Scott, Rodney J. and Smith, Blair H. and Smith, Jennifer A. and Staessen, Jan A. and Steinhagen-Thiessen, Elisabeth and Strauch, Konstantin and Terracciano, Antonio and Tobin, Martin D. and Ulivi, Sheila and Vaccargiu, Simona and Quaye, Lydia and Van Rooij, Frank J. A. and Venturini, Cristina and Vinkhuyzen, Anna A. E. and Völker, Uwe and Völzke, Henry and Vonk, Judith M. and Vozzi, Diego and Waage, Johannes and Ware, Erin B. and Willemsen, Gonneke and Attia, John R. and Bennett, David A. and Berger, Klaus and Bertram, Lars and Bisgaard, Hans and Boomsma, Dorret I. and Borecki, Ingrid B. and Bültmann, Ute and Chabris, Christopher F. and Cucca, Francesco and Cusi, Daniele and Deary, Ian J. and Dedoussis, George V. and Van Duijn, Cornelia M. and Eriksson, Johan G. and Franke, Barbara and Franke, Lude and Gasparini, Paolo and Gejman, Pablo V. and Gieger, Christian and Grabe, Hans-Jörgen and Gratten, Jacob and Groenen, Patrick J. F. and Gudnason, Vilmundur and Van Der Harst, Pim and Hoffmann, Wolfgang and Hyppönen, Elina and Iacono, William G. and Jacobsson, Bo and Järvelin, Marjo-Riitta and Jöckel, Karl-Heinz and Kaprio, Jaakko and Kardia, Sharon L. R. and Lehtimäki, Terho and Lehrer, Steven F. and Martin, Nicholas G. and McGue, Matt and Metspalu, Andres and Pendleton, Neil and Penninx, Brenda W. J. H. and Perola, Markus and Pirastu, Nicola and Pirastu, Mario and Polasek, Ozren and Posthuma, Danielle and Power, Christine and Province, Michael A. and Samani, Nilesh J. and Schlessinger, David and Schmidt, Reinhold and Sørensen, Thorkild I. A. and Spector, Tim D. and Stefansson, Kari and Thorsteinsdottir, Unnur and Thurik, A. Roy and Timpson, Nicholas J. and Tiemeier, Henning and Uitterlinden, André G. and Vitart, Veronique and Vollenweider, Peter and Weir, David R. and Wilson, James F. and Wright, Alan F. and Conley, Dalton C. and Krueger, Robert F. and Smith, George Davey and Hofman, Albert and Laibson, David I. and Medland, Sarah E. and Yang, Jian and Esko, Tõnu and Watson, Chelsea and Jala, Jonathan and Conley, Dalton and Koellinger, Philipp D. and Johannesson, Magnus and Laibson, David and Meyer, Michelle N. and Lee, James J. and Kong, Augustine and Yengo, Loic and Cesarini, David and Turley, Patrick and Visscher, Peter M. and Beauchamp, Jonathan P. and Benjamin, Daniel J. and Young, Alexander I.},
  date = {2022-04},
  journaltitle = {Nature Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Nat Genet},
  volume = {54},
  number = {4},
  pages = {437--449},
  issn = {1061-4036, 1546-1718},
  doi = {10.1038/s41588-022-01016-z},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41588-022-01016-z},
  urldate = {2024-03-11},
  abstract = {Abstract             We conduct a genome-wide association study (GWAS) of educational attainment (EA) in a sample of \textasciitilde 3 million individuals and identify 3,952 approximately uncorrelated genome-wide-significant single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). A genome-wide polygenic predictor, or polygenic index (PGI), explains 12–16\% of EA variance and contributes to risk prediction for ten diseases. Direct effects (i.e., controlling for parental PGIs) explain roughly half the PGI’s magnitude of association with EA and other phenotypes. The correlation between mate-pair PGIs is far too large to be consistent with phenotypic assortment alone, implying additional assortment on PGI-associated factors. In an additional GWAS of dominance deviations from the additive model, we identify no genome-wide-significant SNPs, and a separate X-chromosome additive GWAS identifies 57.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\W7TSYHZU\Okbay et al. - 2022 - Polygenic prediction of educational attainment wit.pdf}
}

@article{okolikjTrustPoliticalParties2024,
  title = {Trust in Political Parties and Ideological Proximity Voting in {{Europe}}: The Role of Trust in Political Parties as a Heuristic Mechanism},
  shorttitle = {Trust in Political Parties and Ideological Proximity Voting in {{Europe}}},
  author = {Okolikj, Martin and Goubin, Silke and Stiers, Dieter and Hooghe, Marc},
  date = {2024-01-02},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  volume = {34},
  number = {1},
  pages = {116--135},
  issn = {1745-7289, 1745-7297},
  doi = {10.1080/17457289.2022.2113088},
  url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17457289.2022.2113088},
  urldate = {2024-11-05},
  abstract = {Previous studies have investigated to what extent voters can achieve proximity between their preferences and the positions of the party they vote for. Combining data from the European Social Survey and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, we investigate whether trust in political parties increases ideological proximity voting. We argue that voters use their level of trust in parties as a heuristic mechanism. First, trust can increase proximity voting because citizens need to trust that political parties will take voters’ policy preferences into account when in government. Second, we examine whether low-trusting voters tend to cast a protest vote, and do not engage in ideological proximity voting. We test this assumption regarding three determinants of the vote choice: general left-right ideology views, preferences for income redistribution, and anti-immigrant sentiments. We find that ideological proximity voting is indeed moderated by trust: those who trust political parties are more likely to cast a vote based on their policy preferences, while those who distrust tend to vote for protest parties. Nevertheless, also among protest voters, trust is conducive for higher levels of proximity voting.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GU2CBP9V\Okolikj et al. - 2024 - Trust in political parties and ideological proximi.pdf}
}

@online{OriginsConsequencesAffective,
  title = {The {{Origins}} and {{Consequences}} of {{Affective Polarization}} in the {{United States}} | {{Annual Reviews}}},
  url = {https://www-annualreviews-org.ezproxy.its.uu.se/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051117-073034},
  urldate = {2025-11-17},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\K3RKWQIS\annurev-polisci-051117-073034.html}
}

@article{orrPolicyBasisMeasured2020,
  title = {The {{Policy Basis}} of {{Measured Partisan Animosity}} in the {{United States}}},
  author = {Orr, Lilla V. and Huber, Gregory A.},
  date = {2020},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {64},
  number = {3},
  pages = {569--586},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12498},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ajps.12498},
  urldate = {2025-11-03},
  abstract = {Understanding and addressing the consequences of partisan animosity requires knowledge of its foundations. To what extent is animosity between partisan groups motivated by dislike for partisan outgroups per se, policy disagreement, or other social group conflicts? In many circumstances, including extant experimental research, these patterns are observationally equivalent. In a series of vignette evaluation experiments, we estimate effects of shared partisanship when additional information is or is not present, and we benchmark these effects against shared policy preference effects. Partisanship effects are about 71\% as large as shared policy preference effects when each is presented in isolation. When an independently randomized party and policy position are presented together, partisanship effects decrease substantially, by about 52\%, whereas policy effects remain large, decreasing by about 10\%. These results suggest that common measures of partisan animosity may capture programmatic conflict more so than social identity–based partisan hostility.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\I267Z49N\\Orr and Huber - 2020 - The Policy Basis of Measured Partisan Animosity in the United States.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\T9A2YUQF\\ajps.html}
}

@book{oscarssonIssueVotingStructured2016,
  title = {Issue {{Voting Structured}} by {{Left}}–{{Right Ideology}}},
  author = {Oscarsson, Henrik and Holmberg, Sören},
  editor = {Pierre, Jon},
  date = {2016-06-02},
  volume = {1},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.14},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/34477/chapter/292534603},
  urldate = {2024-10-03},
  abstract = {Swedish voters are highly ideologically motivated. In the party-centered system, parties’ policy positions and voters’ issue standpoints have always had a large explanatory power in models of voting behavior. In perhaps the most unidimensional political system in the world, the traditional left–right dimension has been structuring party competition and voting behavior at least since the 1880s. Although the left–right order is constantly challenged by new con icting issue dimensions, such as immigration, green ideology, Christian values, and gender equality, left–right ideological predispositions are still overwhelmingly strong determinants of political change, such as government turnovers and voters’ party choice and party switching between elections.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\J3KV4Q8C\Oscarsson and Holmberg - 2016 - Issue Voting Structured by Left–Right Ideology.pdf}
}

@article{oskarsonRoomRealignmentWorkingClass2015,
  title = {Room for {{Realignment}}: {{The Working-Class Sympathy}} for {{Sweden Democrats}}},
  shorttitle = {Room for {{Realignment}}},
  author = {Oskarson, Maria and Demker, Marie},
  date = {2015-10},
  journaltitle = {Government and Opposition},
  volume = {50},
  number = {4},
  pages = {629--651},
  issn = {0017-257X, 1477-7053},
  doi = {10.1017/gov.2014.41},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/government-and-opposition/article/room-for-realignment-the-workingclass-sympathy-for-sweden-democrats/5F7EC10B46A3BF706B9AD2B975D9729B},
  urldate = {2024-08-29},
  abstract = {How is it that the Swedish populist nationalist party the Sweden Democrats receives its strongest support from the established working class, in spite of the high degree of class voting and left–right mobilization which is known to characterize Swedish politics? Based on surveys from the SOM (Society, Opinion, Media) Institute as well as the Swedish National Elections Studies, this article shows that this is not a result of increasing anti-immigrant attitudes in the working class or of decreasing left–right polarization among voters. Rather, we present the argument that the weakening alignment between the working class and the Social Democratic Party and the weakened left–right polarization between the main parties have created a structure which has left room for a realignment between large parts of the working class and the Sweden Democrats along the alternative underlying ideological dimension of authoritarianism/libertarianism.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LF8GKCSY\Oskarson and Demker - 2015 - Room for Realignment The Working-Class Sympathy f.pdf}
}

@article{oskarsonRoomRealignmentWorkingClass2015a,
  title = {Room for {{Realignment}}: {{The Working-Class Sympathy}} for {{Sweden Democrats}}},
  shorttitle = {Room for {{Realignment}}},
  author = {Oskarson, Maria and Demker, Marie},
  date = {2015-10},
  journaltitle = {Government and Opposition},
  volume = {50},
  number = {4},
  pages = {629--651},
  issn = {0017-257X, 1477-7053},
  doi = {10.1017/gov.2014.41},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/government-and-opposition/article/room-for-realignment-the-workingclass-sympathy-for-sweden-democrats/5F7EC10B46A3BF706B9AD2B975D9729B},
  urldate = {2024-10-03},
  abstract = {How is it that the Swedish populist nationalist party the Sweden Democrats receives its strongest support from the established working class, in spite of the high degree of class voting and left–right mobilization which is known to characterize Swedish politics? Based on surveys from the SOM (Society, Opinion, Media) Institute as well as the Swedish National Elections Studies, this article shows that this is not a result of increasing anti-immigrant attitudes in the working class or of decreasing left–right polarization among voters. Rather, we present the argument that the weakening alignment between the working class and the Social Democratic Party and the weakened left–right polarization between the main parties have created a structure which has left room for a realignment between large parts of the working class and the Sweden Democrats along the alternative underlying ideological dimension of authoritarianism/libertarianism.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\V68MQ9EF\Oskarson and Demker - 2015 - Room for Realignment The Working-Class Sympathy f.pdf}
}

@article{oskarssonItRunsFamily2018,
  title = {It {{Runs}} in the {{Family}}: {{A Study}} of {{Political Candidacy Among Swedish Adoptees}}},
  shorttitle = {It {{Runs}} in the {{Family}}},
  author = {Oskarsson, Sven and Dawes, Christopher T. and Lindgren, Karl-Oskar},
  date = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  volume = {40},
  number = {4},
  eprint = {48694153},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {883--908},
  publisher = {Springer},
  issn = {0190-9320},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/48694153},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {What motivates citizens to run for office? Recent work has shown that early life parental socialization is strongly associated with a desire to run for office. However, parents not only shape their children’s political environment, they also pass along their genes to those same children. A growing area of research has shown that individual differences in a wide range of political behaviors and attitudes are linked to genetic differences. As a result, genetic factors may confound the observed political similarities among parents and their children. This study analyzes Swedish register data containing information on all nominated and elected candidates in the ten parliamentary, county council, and municipal elections from 1982 to 2014 for a large sample of adoptees and their adoptive and biological parents. By studying the similarity in political ambition within both adoptive and biological families, our research design allows us to disentangle so-called “pre-birth” factors, such as genes and pre-natal environment, and “post-birth” factors like parental socialization. We find that the likelihood of standing as a political candidate is twice as high if one’s parent has been a candidate. We also find that the effects of pre-birth and post-birth factors are approximately equal in size. In addition, we test a number of potential pre- and post-birth transmission mechanisms. First, disconfirming our expectations, the pre-birth effects do not seem to be mediated by cognitive ability or leadership skills. Second, consistent with a role modeling mechanism, we find evidence of a strong transmission in candidacy status between rearing mothers and their daughters.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8YIAWFCE\Oskarsson et al. - 2018 - It Runs in the Family A Study of Political Candid.pdf}
}

@article{oskarssonLinkingGenesPolitical2015,
  title = {Linking {{Genes}} and {{Political Orientations}}: {{Testing}} the {{Cognitive Ability}} as {{Mediator Hypothesis}}},
  shorttitle = {Linking {{Genes}} and {{Political Orientations}}},
  author = {Oskarsson, Sven and Cesarini, David and Dawes, Christopher T. and Fowler, James H. and Johannesson, Magnus and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Teorell, Jan},
  date = {2015-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {36},
  number = {6},
  pages = {649--665},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12230},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12230},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  abstract = {Recent research has demonstrated that genetic differences explain a sizeable fraction of the variance in political orientations, but little is known about the pathways through which genes might affect political preferences. In this article, we use a uniquely assembled dataset of almost 1,000 Swedish male twin pairs containing detailed information on cognitive ability and political attitudes in order to further examine the genetic and environmental causes of political orientations. Our study makes three distinct contributions to our understanding of the etiology of political orientations: (1) we report heritability estimates across different dimensions of political ideology; (2) we show that cognitive ability and political orientations are related; and (3) we provide evidence consistent with the hypothesis that cognitive ability mediates part of the genetic influence on political orientations. These findings provide important clues about the nature of the complex pathways from molecular genetic variation to political orientations.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LTHQJU7D\Oskarsson et al. - 2015 - Linking Genes and Political Orientations Testing .pdf}
}

@article{oskarssonLinkingGenesPolitical2015a,
  title = {Linking {{Genes}} and {{Political Orientations}}: {{Testing}} the {{Cognitive Ability}} as {{Mediator Hypothesis}}},
  shorttitle = {Linking {{Genes}} and {{Political Orientations}}},
  author = {Oskarsson, Sven and Cesarini, David and Dawes, Christopher T. and Fowler, James H. and Johannesson, Magnus and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Teorell, Jan},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {36},
  number = {6},
  pages = {649--665},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12230},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/pops.12230},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  abstract = {Recent research has demonstrated that genetic differences explain a sizeable fraction of the variance in political orientations, but little is known about the pathways through which genes might affect political preferences. In this article, we use a uniquely assembled dataset of almost 1,000 Swedish male twin pairs containing detailed information on cognitive ability and political attitudes in order to further examine the genetic and environmental causes of political orientations. Our study makes three distinct contributions to our understanding of the etiology of political orientations: (1) we report heritability estimates across different dimensions of political ideology; (2) we show that cognitive ability and political orientations are related; and (3) we provide evidence consistent with the hypothesis that cognitive ability mediates part of the genetic influence on political orientations. These findings provide important clues about the nature of the complex pathways from molecular genetic variation to political orientations.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {cognitive ability,heritability,political orientation},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\BURBF3BV\\Oskarsson et al. - 2015 - Linking Genes and Political Orientations Testing .pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\K7GSAV4K\\pops.html}
}

@article{oskarssonLinkingGenesPolitical2015b,
  title = {Linking {{Genes}} and {{Political Orientations}}: {{Testing}} the {{Cognitive Ability}} as {{Mediator Hypothesis}}},
  shorttitle = {Linking {{Genes}} and {{Political Orientations}}},
  author = {Oskarsson, Sven and Cesarini, David and Dawes, Christopher T. and Fowler, James H. and Johannesson, Magnus and Magnusson, Patrik K. E. and Teorell, Jan},
  date = {2015-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {36},
  number = {6},
  pages = {649--665},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12230},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12230},
  urldate = {2025-06-12},
  abstract = {Recent research has demonstrated that genetic differences explain a sizeable fraction of the variance in political orientations, but little is known about the pathways through which genes might affect political preferences. In this article, we use a uniquely assembled dataset of almost 1,000 Swedish male twin pairs containing detailed information on cognitive ability and political attitudes in order to further examine the genetic and environmental causes of political orientations. Our study makes three distinct contributions to our understanding of the etiology of political orientations: (1) we report heritability estimates across different dimensions of political ideology; (2) we show that cognitive ability and political orientations are related; and (3) we provide evidence consistent with the hypothesis that cognitive ability mediates part of the genetic influence on political orientations. These findings provide important clues about the nature of the complex pathways from molecular genetic variation to political orientations.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\A8Z7LB6M\Oskarsson et al. - 2015 - Linking Genes and Political Orientations Testing the Cognitive Ability as Mediator Hypothesis.pdf}
}

@article{oskarssonPersistentInequalitiesOrigins2022,
  title = {Persistent {{Inequalities}}: {{The Origins}} of {{Intergenerational Associations}} in {{Voter Turnout}}},
  shorttitle = {Persistent {{Inequalities}}},
  author = {Oskarsson, Sven and Ahlskog, Rafael and Dawes, Christopher T. and Lindgren, Karl-Oskar},
  date = {2022-07-01},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  shortjournal = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {84},
  number = {3},
  pages = {1337--1352},
  issn = {0022-3816, 1468-2508},
  doi = {10.1086/716296},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/716296},
  urldate = {2024-06-05},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\TE9NR28Y\Oskarsson et al. - 2022 - Persistent Inequalities The Origins of Intergener.pdf}
}

@article{otero-felipeModeratingRoleAffective2024,
  title = {The {{Moderating Role}} of {{Affective Polarization}} on {{Party Cues}}: {{The Case}} of the {{Prostitution Ban}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Moderating Role}} of {{Affective Polarization}} on {{Party Cues}}},
  author = {Otero-Felipe, Patricia and Antonio Rodríguez-Zepeda, Juan and Sánchez-Ferrer, Leonardo},
  date = {2024-10-07},
  journaltitle = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  pages = {00027642241285019},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0002-7642},
  doi = {10.1177/00027642241285019},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241285019},
  urldate = {2025-11-03},
  abstract = {Affective polarization is a recent yet widespread phenomenon in democracies that significantly impacts various aspects of politics. In this paper, we argue that it can also shape citizens’ political beliefs through party cues. Using a panel survey experiment in Spain, we examine the extent to which partisan signals influence citizens’ attitudes toward a non-party-branded issue, specifically the ban on prostitution, and how affective polarization moderates this effect. Our results underscore the role of affective polarization in moderating the influence of partisan cues, particularly among highly polarized individuals. These findings highlight the capacity of affective polarization not only to deepen political divisions but also to expand the scope of partisan influence to non-politicized and neutral issues, offering new insights into its potential impact on attitude formation and decision-making.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\9AGS7RQF\Otero-Felipe et al. - 2024 - The Moderating Role of Affective Polarization on Party Cues The Case of the Prostitution Ban.pdf}
}

@article{otero-felipeModeratingRoleAffective2024a,
  title = {The {{Moderating Role}} of {{Affective Polarization}} on {{Party Cues}}: {{The Case}} of the {{Prostitution Ban}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Moderating Role}} of {{Affective Polarization}} on {{Party Cues}}},
  author = {Otero-Felipe, Patricia and Antonio Rodríguez-Zepeda, Juan and Sánchez-Ferrer, Leonardo},
  date = {2024-10-07},
  journaltitle = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  pages = {00027642241285019},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0002-7642},
  doi = {10.1177/00027642241285019},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241285019},
  urldate = {2025-11-12},
  abstract = {Affective polarization is a recent yet widespread phenomenon in democracies that significantly impacts various aspects of politics. In this paper, we argue that it can also shape citizens’ political beliefs through party cues. Using a panel survey experiment in Spain, we examine the extent to which partisan signals influence citizens’ attitudes toward a non-party-branded issue, specifically the ban on prostitution, and how affective polarization moderates this effect. Our results underscore the role of affective polarization in moderating the influence of partisan cues, particularly among highly polarized individuals. These findings highlight the capacity of affective polarization not only to deepen political divisions but also to expand the scope of partisan influence to non-politicized and neutral issues, offering new insights into its potential impact on attitude formation and decision-making.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5LTR3ACI\Otero-Felipe et al. - 2024 - The Moderating Role of Affective Polarization on Party Cues The Case of the Prostitution Ban.pdf}
}

@article{otero-felipeModeratingRoleAffective2024b,
  title = {The {{Moderating Role}} of {{Affective Polarization}} on {{Party Cues}}: {{The Case}} of the {{Prostitution Ban}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Moderating Role}} of {{Affective Polarization}} on {{Party Cues}}},
  author = {Otero-Felipe, Patricia and Antonio Rodríguez-Zepeda, Juan and Sánchez-Ferrer, Leonardo},
  date = {2024-10-07},
  journaltitle = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  pages = {00027642241285019},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0002-7642},
  doi = {10.1177/00027642241285019},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241285019},
  urldate = {2025-11-14},
  abstract = {Affective polarization is a recent yet widespread phenomenon in democracies that significantly impacts various aspects of politics. In this paper, we argue that it can also shape citizens’ political beliefs through party cues. Using a panel survey experiment in Spain, we examine the extent to which partisan signals influence citizens’ attitudes toward a non-party-branded issue, specifically the ban on prostitution, and how affective polarization moderates this effect. Our results underscore the role of affective polarization in moderating the influence of partisan cues, particularly among highly polarized individuals. These findings highlight the capacity of affective polarization not only to deepen political divisions but also to expand the scope of partisan influence to non-politicized and neutral issues, offering new insights into its potential impact on attitude formation and decision-making.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LRSDWGVA\Otero-Felipe et al. - 2024 - The Moderating Role of Affective Polarization on Party Cues The Case of the Prostitution Ban.pdf}
}

@article{padillaIdeologicallyExtremeVoters2023a,
  title = {Do Ideologically Extreme Voters Have Extreme Perceptions of Political Parties?},
  author = {Padilla, Javier},
  date = {2023-12},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {86},
  pages = {102707},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2023.102707},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0261379423001294},
  urldate = {2024-11-13},
  abstract = {Increasingly, electoral politics are not only about differences in opinion but also about differences in perception. In this paper, I analyze how ideologically extreme and moderate voters perceive political parties of different ideological outlooks. I aim to determine whether ideological polarization has a double component: Ideologically extreme voters are farther away from their non-supported parties not only because of their extreme positions but also because they allocate these parties more to the extremes than moderate voters. By using cross-sectional data from several elections over more than 20 years and comparing more than one million three hundred thousand respondents’ perceptions of more than 1200 parties, I find that ideologically extreme and moderate voters have different views of political parties: Extreme voters perceive parties to be more extreme than moderate voters. This difference in perceptions leads extreme voters to have more biased perceptions of parties’ positions on the left–right dimension than moderate voters. In all, the results suggest that voters’ perceptions of parties differ from what would be expected from models in which voters try to diminish cognitive dissonance by rationalizing their decisions: More ideologically extreme voters perceive parties on the other side of the ideological spectrum as more extreme. Beyond showing that extremism should be considered a key variable to understand voters’ perceptions of parties and subjective polarization, the existence of a double component of ideological polarization suggests that reconciling different policy preferences will be categorically harder for those ideologically in the extremes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8XAS9VEM\Padilla - 2023 - Do ideologically extreme voters have extreme perce.pdf}
}

@online{PartisanshipVotingBehavior,
  title = {Partisanship and {{Voting Behavior}}, 1952-1996 on {{JSTOR}}},
  url = {https://www-jstor-org.ezproxy.its.uu.se/stable/2669291?casa_token=VFXZjCq_QgwAAAAA%3AuBwtBlHW4AID79x3OtrYeVrcyP4n_vS57M58kKwB9ec-fAxq69-BW5z7ax416IgQu2udMRNvr4f5GxUuUEJ4vV2o7XDR2LWbZFMLq5hLKFBQgWNmhnGx&seq=1},
  urldate = {2025-11-21}
}

@online{PartyPolicyResponsiveness,
  title = {Party Policy Responsiveness at the Agenda-Setting and Decision-Making Stages: {{The}} Mediating Effect of the Types of Government and Promise},
  shorttitle = {Party Policy Responsiveness at the Agenda-Setting and Decision-Making Stages},
  doi = {10.1177/01925121231155140},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/01925121231155140},
  urldate = {2025-06-19},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\ADT6ZTJX\\Party policy responsiveness at the agenda-setting and decision-making stages The mediating effect o.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\LK6HWUMW\\belchior-et-al-2023-party-policy-responsiveness-at-the-agenda-setting-and-decision-making-stages-the-mediating-effect.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\2MEMK425\\01925121231155140.html}
}

@article{pedersenRatioBiasPolicy2017,
  title = {Ratio {{Bias}} and {{Policy Preferences}}: {{How Equivalency Framing}} of {{Numbers Can Affect Attitudes}}},
  shorttitle = {Ratio {{Bias}} and {{Policy Preferences}}},
  author = {Pedersen, Rasmus T.},
  date = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {38},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1103--1120},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12362},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/pops.12362},
  urldate = {2025-02-03},
  abstract = {Numbers permeate modern political communication. While current scholarship on framing effects has focused on the persuasive effects of words and arguments, this article shows that framing of numbers can also substantially affect policy preferences. Such effects are caused by ratio bias, which is a general tendency to focus on numerators and pay insufficient attention to denominators in ratios. Using a population-based survey experiment, I demonstrate how differently framed but logically equivalent representations of the exact same numerical value can have large effects on citizens' preferences regarding salient political issues such as education and taxes. Furthermore, the effects of numerical framing are found across most groups of the population, largely regardless of their political predisposition and their general ability to understand and use numerical information. These findings have significant implications for our understanding of framing effects and the role played by numbers in public opinion formation.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {framing,numeracy,persuasion,public opinion,ratio bias},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\4DFMXF5V\Pedersen - 2017 - Ratio Bias and Policy Preferences How Equivalency Framing of Numbers Can Affect Attitudes.pdf}
}

@article{perssonOpinionsPoliciesExamining2021,
  title = {From Opinions to Policies: {{Examining}} the Links between Citizens, Representatives, and Policy Change},
  shorttitle = {From Opinions to Policies},
  author = {Persson, Mikael},
  date = {2021-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {74},
  pages = {102413},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102413},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379421001256},
  urldate = {2025-03-06},
  abstract = {Recent studies show that policy changes appear to correspond primarily to the preferences of citizens with high socio-economic status. However, the mechanisms explaining this trend remain largely unexplored. In this paper, I look closer at the role of political representatives as the critical factor connecting citizens’ opinions and policy changes. While the link between public opinion and elite opinion as well as the link between public opinion and policy output is relatively well studied, few studies have looked at the entire relationship between public opinion, elite opinion, and policy output concerning social groups. This paper combines data from Swedish election studies, surveys with members of parliament, and a database of policy change. It shows that representatives’ opinions reflect advantaged groups better than disadvantaged groups. Similar biases are found in policy responsiveness; policy changes correspond more closely to the opinions of the advantaged groups.},
  keywords = {Congruence,inequality,Political representatives,Responsiveness},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\4CGVJ2A3\\Persson - 2021 - From opinions to policies Examining the links between citizens, representatives, and policy change.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\8QNAP9RU\\S0261379421001256.html}
}

@incollection{petryMeasuringHowPolitical2009,
  title = {Measuring {{How Political Parties Keep Their Promises}}: {{A Positive Perspective}} from {{Political Science}}},
  shorttitle = {Measuring {{How Political Parties Keep Their Promises}}},
  booktitle = {Do {{They Walk Like They Talk}}? {{Speech}} and {{Action}} in {{Policy Processes}}},
  author = {Pétry, François and Collette, Benoît},
  editor = {Imbeau, Louis M.},
  date = {2009},
  pages = {65--80},
  publisher = {Springer},
  location = {New York, NY},
  doi = {10.1007/978-0-387-89672-4_5},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-89672-4_5},
  urldate = {2024-11-26},
  abstract = {This chapter addresses three questions about the relationship between political discourse and action: Do political parties keep their promises once elected? What are the methodologies used by scholars to demonstrate that political parties keep (or do not keep) their campaign promises? Are these methodologies valid and reliable? We answer these questions based on a review of 18 journal articles and book chapters published in English and French over the past forty years that report quantitative measures of election promise fulfillment in North America and Europe. We find that parties fulfill 67\% of their promises on average, with wide variation across time, countries, and regimes. Most studies have major methodological weaknesses (no operational definition, no mention of relevant documentation, flawed research design) although the more recent ones tend to show higher levels of methodological sophistication and a modicum of scientific transparency.},
  isbn = {978-0-387-89672-4},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Explicit Criterion,Government Action,Operational Definition,Political Parti,Political Party},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\STLRRV84\Pétry and Collette - 2009 - Measuring How Political Parties Keep Their Promise.pdf}
}

@online{petterssonGeneticInfluencesEducational2023,
  title = {Genetic {{Influences}} on {{Educational Attainment Through}} the {{Lens}} of the {{Evolving Swedish Welfare State}}: {{A}} Cross-Level Gene-Environment Interaction Study Based on Polygenic Indices and Longitudinal Register Data},
  shorttitle = {Genetic {{Influences}} on {{Educational Attainment Through}} the {{Lens}} of the {{Evolving Swedish Welfare State}}},
  author = {Pettersson, Oskar},
  date = {2023},
  doi = {10.1101/2023.11.02.565287},
  url = {http://biorxiv.org/lookup/doi/10.1101/2023.11.02.565287},
  urldate = {2024-12-05},
  abstract = {Gene-environment interaction with regards to educational attainment has received increasing attention during the last few years. However, the potential interdependence between different types of environments in gene-environment interaction models has mostly been neglected. Using high-quality register data for an extensive panel of Swedish twins, born during most of the twentieth century, this study explores how genetic propensities for educational attainment, as measured by a polygenic index, interact with both macro-level institutional and sociopolitical context, and with socioeconomic background. The analyses, which combine between-family and causally robust within-family models, suggest that the average association between genetic propensities and educational attainment has increased in Sweden during the twentieth century, along with the expansion of the educational system and decreased economic inequality. There is also evidence of a positive interaction between genetic propensities and socioeconomic background, but only in the oldest cohorts in the sample, and that were born before the Swedish welfare state had been fully established. This implies that micro-level gene-environment interactions can be significantly dependent on macro-level context, an insight that has arguably not yet been given sufficient attention in the literature. Acknowledging limitations of polygenic indices, and the arbitrariness of the genetic lottery, the results may nevertheless indicate a development towards higher equality of opportunity in Sweden during the twentieth century.},
  langid = {english},
  pubstate = {prepublished},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5N4PJ6MJ\Pettersson - 2023 - Genetic Influences on Educational Attainment Throu.pdf}
}

@article{phelanGenomicRevolutionBeliefs2013,
  title = {The {{Genomic Revolution}} and {{Beliefs}} about {{Essential Racial Differences}}: {{A Backdoor}} to {{Eugenics}}?},
  shorttitle = {The {{Genomic Revolution}} and {{Beliefs}} about {{Essential Racial Differences}}},
  author = {Phelan, Jo C. and Link, Bruce G. and Feldman, Naumi M.},
  date = {2013-04-01},
  journaltitle = {American Sociological Review},
  shortjournal = {Am Sociol Rev},
  volume = {78},
  number = {2},
  pages = {167--191},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0003-1224},
  doi = {10.1177/0003122413476034},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0003122413476034},
  urldate = {2025-06-17},
  abstract = {Could the explosion of genetic research in recent decades affect our conceptions of race? In Backdoor to Eugenics, Duster argues that reports of specific racial differences in genetic bases of disease, in part because they are presented as objective facts whose social implications are not readily apparent, may heighten public belief in more pervasive racial differences. We tested this hypothesis with a multi-method study. A content analysis showed that news articles discussing racial differences in genetic bases of disease increased significantly between 1985 and 2008 and were significantly less likely than non–health-related articles about race and genetics to discuss social implications. A survey experiment conducted with a nationally representative sample of 559 adults found that a news-story vignette reporting a specific racial difference in genetic risk for heart attacks (the Backdoor Vignette) produced significantly greater belief in essential racial differences than did a vignette portraying race as a social construction or a no-vignette condition. The Backdoor Vignette produced beliefs in essential racial differences that were virtually identical to those produced by a vignette portraying race as a genetic reality. These results suggest that an unintended consequence of the genomic revolution may be the reinvigoration of age-old beliefs in essential racial differences.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\C3FFU22D\Phelan et al. - 2013 - The Genomic Revolution and Beliefs about Essential Racial Differences A Backdoor to Eugenics.pdf}
}

@article{pianzolaSwingVotingDue2014,
  title = {Swing {{Voting}} Due to {{Smartvote Use}}? {{Evidence}} from the 2011 {{Swiss Federal Elections}}},
  shorttitle = {Swing {{Voting}} Due to {{Smartvote Use}}?},
  author = {Pianzola, Joëlle},
  date = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Swiss Political Science Review},
  volume = {20},
  number = {4},
  pages = {651--677},
  issn = {1662-6370},
  doi = {10.1111/spsr.12120},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/spsr.12120},
  urldate = {2025-10-21},
  abstract = {Almost every fifth voter in Switzerland visited the Voting Advice Application (VAA) smartvote prior to casting a ballot in the 2011 Swiss federal elections. Surveys among users reveal that the web application led voters to discover suitable candidates or parties which they previously would not have considered. The subsequent question therefore is whether the VAA initiates a change in party choice among voters. In this paper, we examine whether voters who used smartvote were more likely to swing vote in the 2011 elections than non-users. Moreover, we take a look at which parties might have benefited from a voter flow among smartvote users. We employ both selection models and propensity score matching for tracing the causal effect of smartvote use on party choice. According to our results, smartvote users were significantly more likely to swing vote in the elections. Voter migration among smartvote users was most prominent towards the Green Liberal Party, one of the two major winners of the 2011 Swiss federal elections.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Propensity score matching,Swing voting,Swiss federal elections,Voting Advice Application smartvote},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\M3YCDWV9\Pianzola - 2014 - Swing Voting due to Smartvote Use Evidence from the 2011 Swiss Federal Elections.pdf}
}

@incollection{piedmontCrossOverAnalysisUsing2017,
  title = {Cross-{{Over Analysis}}: {{Using}} the {{Five Factor Model}} and {{NEO Personality Inventory-3}} for {{Assessing Compatibility}} and {{Conflict}} in {{Couples}}},
  shorttitle = {Cross-{{Over Analysis}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Piedmont, Ralph L. and Rodgerson, Thomas E.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.3},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.3},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {This chapter describes the application of the Five Factor Model (FFM) of personality description for couple therapy; more specifically, cross over analysis. Cross over analysis concerns a comparison of each person’s self-description with the description provided by the spouse. The FFM offers a compelling basis and means for a couple therapeutic analysis and intervention. It provides a clear, simple means to understand language for describing motivations and conflict that couples can easily understand and apply. Second, the availability of a validated rater form provides an effective and compelling medium for couples to express their own expectations about each other. Finally, an FFM cross over analysis can provide for clinicians’ insight into the motivational forces that may be creating conflict and dissatisfaction for the couple.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\XHB27EX4\\Piedmont and Rodgerson - 2017 - Cross-Over Analysis Using the Five Factor Model a.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\W4UTM3HZ\\211688425.html}
}

@article{piercePolarizationCorrectVoting2019,
  title = {Polarization and Correct Voting in {{U}}.{{S}}. Presidential Elections},
  author = {Pierce, Douglas R. and Lau, Richard R.},
  date = {2019-08-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {60},
  pages = {102048},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2019.102048},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379418304517},
  urldate = {2025-11-12},
  abstract = {Although some political pundits have expressed concern that political polarization has a deleterious effect on voter behavior, others have argued that polarization may actually benefit voters by presenting citizens with clear choices between the two major parties. We take up this question by examining the effects of polarization on the quality of voter decision making in U.S. presidential elections. We find that ideological polarization among elites, along with ideological sorting and affective polarization among voters, all contribute to the probability of citizens’ voting correctly. Furthermore, affective polarization among the citizenry if anything strengthens, not weakens, the influence of political knowledge on voter decision-making. We conclude that to the extent that normative democratic theory supposes that people vote for candidates who share their interests, polarization has had a positive effect on voter decision-making quality, and thus democratic representation, in the United States.}
}

@article{piercePolarizationCorrectVoting2019a,
  title = {Polarization and Correct Voting in {{U}}.{{S}}. Presidential Elections},
  author = {Pierce, Douglas R. and Lau, Richard R.},
  date = {2019-08-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {60},
  pages = {102048},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2019.102048},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379418304517},
  urldate = {2025-11-14},
  abstract = {Although some political pundits have expressed concern that political polarization has a deleterious effect on voter behavior, others have argued that polarization may actually benefit voters by presenting citizens with clear choices between the two major parties. We take up this question by examining the effects of polarization on the quality of voter decision making in U.S. presidential elections. We find that ideological polarization among elites, along with ideological sorting and affective polarization among voters, all contribute to the probability of citizens’ voting correctly. Furthermore, affective polarization among the citizenry if anything strengthens, not weakens, the influence of political knowledge on voter decision-making. We conclude that to the extent that normative democratic theory supposes that people vote for candidates who share their interests, polarization has had a positive effect on voter decision-making quality, and thus democratic representation, in the United States.},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\SJ9T68W3\\Pierce and Lau - 2019 - Polarization and correct voting in U.S. presidential elections.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\7X3FQVDX\\S0261379418304517.html}
}

@article{pirroFarrightContentiousPolitics,
  title = {Far-Right Contentious Politics in Times of Crisis: Between Adaptation and Transformation},
  shorttitle = {Far-Right Contentious Politics in Times of Crisis},
  author = {Pirro, Andrea L. P. and Castelli Gattinara, Pietro and Froio, Caterina},
  journaltitle = {Journal of European Public Policy},
  volume = {0},
  number = {0},
  pages = {1--26},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1350-1763},
  doi = {10.1080/13501763.2024.2413446},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2024.2413446},
  urldate = {2024-12-11},
  abstract = {The far right is often seen to thrive in times of crisis. The unfolding of the Great Recession, the migration crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic provide an unprecedented opportunity to delve into far-right collective actors’ relationship with ‘crisis’. With our study, we are interested to explore whether far-right mobilisation in the protest arena is indeed linked to short-term periods of crisis or part of a broader, longer-term process of societal transformation from the ground up. We deploy a new dataset on far-right protest events – part of the Far-Right Protest Observatory (FARPO) – covering 10 European countries and the period 2008–2021 (N = 4,440) to elicit and characterise nativist mobilisation at the non-institutional level. Although far-right collective actors have reacted to periods of crisis, the rate, size, and interactions surrounding their protest mobilisation have been steadily on the rise, their repertoire of action has been overwhelmingly conventional, and their claim-making dominated by trademark issues like immigration and multiculturalism. Instead of simply adapting to crisis, we contend that the far right is prompting a broader process of transformation and increasing its penetration of civil society.},
  keywords = {crisis,Far right,political parties,protest,social movements},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3LRZIZ8F\Pirro et al. - Far-right contentious politics in times of crisis.pdf}
}

@book{pitkinConceptRepresentation1967,
  title = {The {{Concept}} of {{Representation}}},
  author = {Pitkin, Hanna F.},
  date = {1967},
  eprint = {AgUVWLswTNEC},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  publisher = {University of California Press},
  abstract = {Being concerned with representation, this book is about an idea, a concept, a word. It is primarily a conceptual analysis, not a historical study of the way in which representative government has evolved, nor yet an empirical investigation of the behavior of contemporary representatives or the expectations voters have about them. Yet, although the book is about a word, it is not about mere words, not merely about words. For the social philosopher, for the social scientist, words are not "mere"; they are the tools of his trade and a vital part of his subject matter. Since human beings are not merely political animals but also language-using animals, their behavior is shaped by their ideas. What they do and how they do it depends upon how they see themselves and their world, and this in turn depends upon the concepts through which they see. Learning what "representation" means and learning how to represent are intimately connected. But even beyond this, the social theorist sees the world through a network of concepts. Our words define and delimit our world in important ways, and this is particularly true of the world of human and social things. For a zoologist may capture a rare specimen and simply observe it; but who can capture an instance of representation (or of power, or of interest)? Such things, too, can be observed, but the observation always presupposes at least a rudimentary conception of what representation (or power, or interest) is, what counts as representation, where it leaves off and some other phenomenon begins. Questions about what representation is, or is like, are not fully separable from the question of what "representation" means. This book approaches the former questions by way of the latter.},
  isbn = {978-0-520-02156-3},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {340},
  keywords = {Philosophy / General,Philosophy / Political,Political Science / General,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections}
}

@article{poldermanMetaanalysisHeritabilityHuman2015,
  title = {Meta-Analysis of the Heritability of Human Traits Based on Fifty Years of Twin Studies},
  author = {Polderman, Tinca J C and Benyamin, Beben and De Leeuw, Christiaan A and Sullivan, Patrick F and Van Bochoven, Arjen and Visscher, Peter M and Posthuma, Danielle},
  date = {2015-07},
  journaltitle = {Nature Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Nat Genet},
  volume = {47},
  number = {7},
  pages = {702--709},
  issn = {1061-4036, 1546-1718},
  doi = {10.1038/ng.3285},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/ng.3285},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\EM796648\Polderman et al. - 2015 - Meta-analysis of the heritability of human traits .pdf}
}

@online{PoliticalRepresentationLatin,
  title = {Political {{Representation}} in {{Latin America}}},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414004273205},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/0010414004273205},
  urldate = {2024-12-10},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\S4R4RKLN\0010414004273205.html}
}

@book{popkinReasoningVoterCommunication1991,
  title = {The {{Reasoning Voter}}: {{Communication}} and {{Persuasion}} in {{Presidential Campaigns}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Reasoning Voter}}},
  author = {Popkin, Samuel L.},
  date = {1991-10},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  abstract = {The Reasoning Voter is an insider's look at campaigns, candidates, media, and voters that convincingly argues that voters make informed logical choices. Samuel L. Popkin analyzes three primary campaigns—Carter in 1976; Bush and Reagan in 1980; and Hart, Mondale, and Jackson in 1984—to arrive at a new model of the way voters sort through commercials and sound bites to choose a candidate. Drawing on insights from economics and cognitive psychology, he convincingly demonstrates that, as trivial as campaigns often appear, they provide voters with a surprising amount of information on a candidate's views and skills. For all their shortcomings, campaigns do matter.  "Professor Popkin has brought V.O. Key's contention that voters are rational into the media age. This book is a useful rebuttal to the cynical view that politics is a wholly contrived business, in which unscrupulous operatives manipulate the emotions of distrustful but gullible citizens. The reality, he shows, is both more complex and more hopeful than that."—David S. Broder, The Washington Post},
  isbn = {978-0-226-67544-2},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {342},
  keywords = {Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections}
}

@article{poppHarmonyDissonanceUnveiling2024,
  title = {Harmony and Dissonance: {{Unveiling}} Issue Linkages between Voters and Parties across {{EU}} Democracies},
  shorttitle = {Harmony and Dissonance},
  author = {Popp, Raluca},
  date = {2024-01-21},
  journaltitle = {Party Politics},
  pages = {13540688231221650},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {1354-0688},
  doi = {10.1177/13540688231221650},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688231221650},
  urldate = {2024-12-18},
  abstract = {This research delves into the abundant landscape of party positioning data, highlighting a scarcity of interconnected voter and party positioning sources. Leveraging Voting Advice Applications (VAAs), this study explores congruence from a comparative standpoint, capturing political preferences on the same scale and timeframe. Analysing data from two pan-European VAAs, EU Profiler and euandi, congruence is evaluated based on voter’s alignment with their preferred party across three issue dimensions. Findings underscore varying linkage strengths, particularly evident in a narrower representation on cultural and gender issues compared to economic ones. The study underscores the advantages of VAA data, urging a shift beyond the left-right continuum for a comprehensive understanding of party-voter congruence in a dynamic political landscape.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8RL3IFF6\Popp - 2024 - Harmony and dissonance Unveiling issue linkages between voters and parties across EU democracies.pdf}
}

@online{PositionTakingElectoralAccountability,
  title = {Position-{{Taking}} and {{Electoral Accountability}} in the {{U}}.{{S}}. {{House}} of {{Representatives}}},
  doi = {10.1177/106591290605900211},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/106591290605900211},
  urldate = {2025-06-23},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\PIIHBM9L\106591290605900211.html}
}

@article{powellPOLITICALREPRESENTATIONCOMPARATIVE2004,
  title = {{{POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS}}},
  author = {Powell, G. Bingham},
  date = {2004-06-15},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  volume = {7},
  pages = {273--296},
  publisher = {Annual Reviews},
  issn = {1094-2939, 1545-1577},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104815},
  url = {https://www.annualreviews.org/content/journals/10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104815},
  urldate = {2024-12-09},
  abstract = {▪ Abstract Two large research programs have analyzed election-based connections between citizens and policy makers in different democracies. Studies of vote-seat representation in the tradition of Rae (1967) begin with citizens\&apos; party votes and have made substantial progress in elucidating the impact of election laws, geographic vote distributions, and the number of parties and their interactions on the proportionality of party representation. Studies of substantive representation in the tradition of Miller \&amp; Stokes (1963) begin with citizen issue preferences and link these to the positions of their representatives. Most studies outside the United States, confronting multimember districts and the cohesion of party representatives, have focused on voter-party dyads rather than geographic constituencies, and confirmed the importance of issues linked to a common electoral discourse and the greater structure of legislator issue positions. Recently, a number of explicitly comparative analyses have begun to analyze collective correspondence and confront other limitations of the literature.},
  issue = {Volume 7, 2004},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8325PI89\Jr - 2004 - POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS.pdf}
}

@book{przeworskiDemocracyAccountabilityRepresentation1999,
  title = {Democracy, {{Accountability}}, and {{Representation}}},
  author = {Przeworski, Adam and Stokes, Susan C. and Manin, Bernard},
  date = {1999-09-13},
  eprint = {aid08OpvF5gC},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  abstract = {This book examines whether mechanisms of accountability characteristic of democratic systems are sufficient to induce the representatives to act in the best interest of the represented. The first part of the volume focuses on the role of elections, distinguishing different ways in which they may cause representation. The second part is devoted to the role of checks and balances, between the government and the parliament as well as between the government and the bureaucracy. Overall, the essays combine theoretical discussions, game-theoretic models, case studies, and statistical analyses, within a shared analytical approach and a standardized terminology. The empirical material is drawn from the well established democracies as well as from new democracies.},
  isbn = {978-0-521-64616-1},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {368},
  keywords = {Political Science / General,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy}
}

@online{PsychologicalFeaturesExtreme,
  title = {Psychological {{Features}} of {{Extreme Political Ideologies}}},
  doi = {10.1177/0963721418817755},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/0963721418817755?src=getftr&utm_source=scopus&getft_integrator=scopus},
  urldate = {2025-03-19},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\HF6CWVQ9\\Psychological Features of Extreme Political Ideologies.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\NBCJI8YC\\0963721418817755.html}
}

@article{rahnRolePartisanStereotypes1993,
  title = {The {{Role}} of {{Partisan Stereotypes}} in {{Information Processing}} about {{Political Candidates}}},
  author = {Rahn, Wendy M.},
  date = {1993},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {37},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {2111381},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {472--496},
  publisher = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  doi = {10.2307/2111381},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2111381},
  urldate = {2025-10-11},
  abstract = {Research in social cognition suggests that individuals employ a variety of cognitive strategies when processing information. Some of these strategies may function as cognitive heuristics, or simplifying rules of thumb, under certain information-processing conditions. In this article, I suggest that political party stereotypes can function heuristically for voters when they are confronted with political information-processing tasks. Two different cognitive strategies are outlined, a "theory-driven" and "data-driven" mode, and hypotheses about the use of these two strategies in political candidate evaluation, inference, and perception are developed. These are tested with an experimental design that uses videotapes of political candidates as stimulus material. I find that partisan stereotypes have considerable influence in political information processing, suggesting that the political parties continue to play an important role in voters' decision-making processes.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\TJAEKLKD\Rahn - 1993 - The Role of Partisan Stereotypes in Information Processing about Political Candidates.pdf}
}

@article{rantanenLongtermStabilityBig2007,
  title = {Long-Term Stability in the {{Big Five}} Personality Traits in Adulthood},
  author = {Rantanen, Johanna and Metsäpelto, Riitta-Leena and Feldt, Taru and Pulkkinen, Lea and Kokko, Katja},
  date = {2007},
  journaltitle = {Scandinavian Journal of Psychology},
  volume = {48},
  number = {6},
  pages = {511--518},
  issn = {1467-9450},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9450.2007.00609.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9450.2007.00609.x},
  urldate = {2024-06-27},
  abstract = {This study investigated the stability of the Big Five personality traits in adulthood from age 33 to 42. Participants (89 men, 103 women) were drawn from the ongoing Jyväskylä Longitudinal Study of Personality and Social Development. The results showed that the mean-level of Neuroticism decreased whereas the mean-level of Extraversion, Openness to Experience, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness increased from age 33 to 42. The Structural Equation Modeling analyses revealed both gender differences and similarities in the rank-order stability of the Big Five: Neuroticism and Extraversion were more stable in men than in women, whereas Openness to Experience, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness were as stable in men as in women. Stability coefficients for the Big Five personality traits across 9 years were moderate to high, ranging from 0.73 to 0.97 in men and from 0.65 to 0.95 in women. The highest gender-equal stability was found for Openness to Experience and the lowest for Conscientiousness.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {adulthood,Big Five personality traits,gender,rank-order and absolute stability},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\LDRLQCSF\\Rantanen et al. - 2007 - Long-term stability in the Big Five personality tr.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\57VZW53W\\j.1467-9450.2007.00609.html}
}

@article{rasmussenMajorLimitationDirection2019,
  title = {A {{Major Limitation}} of the {{Direction}} of {{Causation Model}}: {{Non-Shared Environmental Confounding}}},
  shorttitle = {A {{Major Limitation}} of the {{Direction}} of {{Causation Model}}},
  author = {Rasmussen, Stig Hebbelstrup Rye and Ludeke, Steven and Hjelmborg, Jacob V. B.},
  date = {2019-02},
  journaltitle = {Twin Research and Human Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Twin Res Hum Genet},
  volume = {22},
  number = {1},
  pages = {14--26},
  issn = {1832-4274, 1839-2628},
  doi = {10.1017/thg.2018.67},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1832427418000671/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-03-07},
  abstract = {Determining (1) the direction of causation and (2) the size of causal effects between two constructs is a central challenge of the scientific study of humans. In the early 1990s, researchers in behavioral genetics invented what was termed the direction of causation (DoC) model to address exactly these two concerns. The model claims that for any two traits whose mode of inheritance is sufficiently different, the direction of causation can be ascertained using a sufficiently large genetically informative sample. Using a series of simulation studies, we demonstrate a major challenge to the DoC model, namely that it is extremely sensitive to even tiny amounts of non-shared confounding. Even under ideal conditions for the DoC model (a large sample, N = 10,000), a large causal relationship (e.g., a causal correlation of .50) with very different modes of inheritance between the two traits (e.g., a pure AE model for one trait and a pure CE model for another trait) and a modest degree (correlation of .10) of non-shared confounding between the two traits results in the choice of the wrong causal models and estimating the wrong causal effects.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\5BXSXFTK\Rasmussen et al. - 2019 - A Major Limitation of the Direction of Causation M.pdf}
}

@article{redlawskAffectiveTippingPoint2010,
  title = {The {{Affective Tipping Point}}: {{Do Motivated Reasoners Ever}} “{{Get It}}”?},
  shorttitle = {The {{Affective Tipping Point}}},
  author = {Redlawsk, David P. and Civettini, Andrew J. W. and Emmerson, Karen M.},
  date = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {31},
  number = {4},
  pages = {563--593},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2010.00772.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2010.00772.x},
  urldate = {2024-08-06},
  abstract = {In order to update candidate evaluations voters must acquire information and determine whether that new information supports or opposes their candidate expectations. Normatively, new negative information about a preferred candidate should result in a downward adjustment of an existing evaluation. However, recent studies show exactly the opposite; voters become more supportive of a preferred candidate in the face of negatively valenced information. Motivated reasoning is advanced as the explanation, arguing that people are psychologically motivated to maintain and support existing evaluations. Yet it seems unlikely that voters do this ad infinitum. To do so would suggest continued motivated reasoning even in the face of extensive disconfirming information. In this study we consider whether motivated reasoning processes can be overcome simply by continuing to encounter information incongruent with expectations. If so, voters must reach a tipping point after which they begin more accurately updating their evaluations. We show experimental evidence that such an affective tipping point does in fact exist. We also show that as this tipping point is reached, anxiety increases, suggesting that the mechanism that generates the tipping point and leads to more accurate updating may be related to the theory of affective intelligence. The existence of a tipping point suggests that voters are not immune to disconfirming information after all, even when initially acting as motivated reasoners.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Affective intelligence,Candidate evaluation,Motivated reasoning,Process-tracing,Voting},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\558TN3QA\Redlawsk et al. - 2010 - The Affective Tipping Point Do Motivated Reasoner.pdf}
}

@article{redlawskWhatVotersInformation2004,
  title = {What {{Voters Do}}: {{Information Search During Election Campaigns}}},
  shorttitle = {What {{Voters Do}}},
  author = {Redlawsk, David P.},
  date = {2004-08},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {25},
  number = {4},
  pages = {595--610},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2004.00389.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2004.00389.x},
  urldate = {2025-08-07},
  abstract = {Learning about political candidates in order to vote can be a cognitively taxing task, given that the information environment of a campaign may be chaotic and complicated. In order to tame the tide of information voters may adopt decision strategies that guide their processing of campaign information. This paper reports results from a series of process tracing experiments designed to learn how voters in a presidential primary election adopt and use such strategies. Different voters adopt different strategies with the choice of strategy dependent on the campaign environment and individual voter characteristics. The adoption of particular strategies can have implications for how voters evaluate candidates.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RJ24E3RK\Redlawsk - 2004 - What Voters Do Information Search During Election Campaigns.pdf}
}

@article{rehmUnitedWeStand2010,
  title = {United We Stand: {{Constituency}} Homogeneity and Comparative Party Polarization},
  shorttitle = {United We Stand},
  author = {Rehm, Philipp and Reilly, Timothy},
  date = {2010-03-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {29},
  number = {1},
  pages = {40--53},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2009.05.005},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379409000419},
  urldate = {2025-01-29},
  abstract = {We argue that party polarization is a function of parties' distances, their internal homogeneity, and their relative sizes. While existing measures in political science incorporate the first and last feature, party homogeneity is typically neglected. Since virtually all polarization measures in one way or another incorporate distance, we suggest a simple way to adjust distance measures for party homogeneity. We then examine levels and trends of polarization in nine OECD countries using a newly collected data-set which includes left–right party positions based on both expert and mass surveys.},
  keywords = {Left–right,Measurement,Party expert surveys,Party positions,Polarization},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\M98ESTUC\S0261379409000419.html}
}

@article{renstromProtectingIngroupAuthoritarianism2022,
  title = {Protecting the {{Ingroup}}? {{Authoritarianism}}, {{Immigration Attitudes}}, and {{Affective Polarization}}},
  shorttitle = {Protecting the {{Ingroup}}?},
  author = {Renström, Emma A. and Bäck, Hanna and Carroll, Royce},
  date = {2022-07-14},
  journaltitle = {Frontiers in Political Science},
  shortjournal = {Front. Polit. Sci.},
  volume = {4},
  pages = {919236},
  issn = {2673-3145},
  doi = {10.3389/fpos.2022.919236},
  url = {https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpos.2022.919236/full},
  urldate = {2024-03-18},
  abstract = {What makes people affectively polarized? Affective polarization is based on the idea that partisanship can be a social identity leading to polarization in the form of intergroup distancing between the own party and the other parties. In this study, we argue that perceived threats from an outgroup can spur affective polarization. To investigate this, we use the issue of immigration, often framed as a threat by right-wing groups, to examine whether individual-level differences influence how sensititivity to the perception of immigration as a threat. One such factor is the trait right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), which is characterized by emphasis on submission to authority and upholding norms of social order. The emphasis among individuals with this trait on protecting the ingroup from threats means that negativity toward immigration is likely to extend toward political opponents, resulting in an increase in affective polarization. Thus, we hypothesize that the affective polarization is likely to increase when individuals interpret immigration as threatening, particularly for the individuals who are high in RWA aggression. We evaluate and find support for this claim using a large-scale survey performed in Sweden (N = 898). The results, showing a conditional effect of immigration attitudes on affective polarization, are consistent across three commonly used measures of affective polarization as follows: trait ratings, a social distance measure, and feeling thermometers. Overall, our results show that it is important to consider intergroup threats and intergroup differences in the context of sensitivity to such threats when explaining affective polarization.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2LWUCAG9\Renström et al. - 2022 - Protecting the Ingroup Authoritarianism, Immigrat.pdf}
}

@online{RevisitingRigidityoftherightHypothesis,
  title = {Revisiting the Rigidity-of-the-Right Hypothesis: {{A}} Meta-Analytic Review.: {{EBSCOhost}}},
  url = {https://web.p.ebscohost.com/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=0&sid=2ebd7ed7-172f-4252-9dce-98d9487700f8%40redis},
  urldate = {2025-03-19},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\UDQPQJ85\pdfviewer.html}
}

@article{richeySocialBasisVoting2008,
  title = {The {{Social Basis}} of {{Voting Correctly}}},
  author = {Richey, Sean},
  date = {2008-11-18},
  journaltitle = {Political Communication},
  volume = {25},
  number = {4},
  pages = {366--376},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1058-4609},
  doi = {10.1080/10584600802426973},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10584600802426973},
  urldate = {2024-08-13},
  abstract = {A large literature has established that people learn from political discussion, and some scholars suggest that people will make better choices if they engage in political discussion with opinion leaders. To establish that discussion promotes better vote choices, however, we have to create a measure of rational choice to test the impact of discussion. Recently, scholars have used Lau and Redlawsk's voting correctly measure to test the impact of various influences on the rationality of vote choice. Using this new measure of rationality—voting correctly—I determine whether political discussion has the predicted positive impact. To test this theory, I use 2000 American National Election Study survey data, and show that greater political discussion with knowledgeable discussants leads to more correct voting.},
  keywords = {political discussion,rationality,social networks,voting correctly},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6HCENJPI\Richey - 2008 - The Social Basis of Voting Correctly.pdf}
}

@article{robertsPatternsMeanlevelChange2006,
  title = {Patterns of Mean-Level Change in Personality Traits across the Life Course: {{A}} Meta-Analysis of Longitudinal Studies},
  shorttitle = {Patterns of Mean-Level Change in Personality Traits across the Life Course},
  author = {Roberts, Brent W. and Walton, Kate E. and Viechtbauer, Wolfgang},
  date = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Bulletin},
  volume = {132},
  number = {1},
  pages = {1--25},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-1455},
  doi = {10.1037/0033-2909.132.1.1},
  abstract = {The present study used meta-analytic techniques (number of samples = 92) to determine the patterns of mean-level change in personality traits across the life course. Results showed that people increase in measures of social dominance (a facet of extraversion), conscientiousness, and emotional stability, especially in young adulthood (age 20 to 40). In contrast, people increase on measures of social vitality (a 2nd facet of extraversion) and openness in adolescence but then decrease in both of these domains in old age. Agreeableness changed only in old age. Of the 6 trait categories, 4 demonstrated significant change in middle and old age. Gender and attrition had minimal effects on change, whereas longer studies and studies based on younger cohorts showed greater change. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Age Differences,Life Span,Personality Change,Personality Development,Personality Traits},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\QNMGHRSV\2006-00818-001.html}
}

@book{robinsonDesigningQualitySurvey2024,
  title = {Designing {{Quality Survey Questions}}},
  author = {Robinson, Sheila B. and Leonard, Kimberly Firth},
  date = {2024-09-23},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications},
  abstract = {This text shows readers how to craft precisely worded survey questions with appropriate response options that provide useful data to help answer research questions. The authors offer guidance on creative approaches to question design to keep respondents engaged, consider different survey administration modes, outline practices for culturally responsive survey design, discuss current language considerations for demographic questions, and consider factors that can influence survey responses. The Second Edition offers more detail about survey question design and includes more on rating scales and open-ended questions. It provides more guidance on cultural responsiveness and equity considerations including use of inclusive language, how to survey youth, and a deeper discussion on asking questions about sex and gender and disability.},
  isbn = {978-1-0719-1820-3},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {329},
  keywords = {Reference / Research,Social Science / Methodology,Social Science / Research}
}

@article{rodonAllRoadsLead2015,
  title = {Do {{All Roads Lead}} to the {{Center}}? {{The Unresolved Dilemma}} of {{Centrist Self-Placement}}},
  shorttitle = {Do {{All Roads Lead}} to the {{Center}}?},
  author = {Rodon, Toni},
  date = {2015-06-01},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  shortjournal = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  volume = {27},
  number = {2},
  pages = {177--196},
  issn = {0954-2892},
  doi = {10.1093/ijpor/edu028},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edu028},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  abstract = {Why do people locate themselves on the center? Despite being the most popular position of the left–right axis and playing an important role in party competition, centrist location is still a mystery. This article groups together and investigates the hypotheses behind this crucial position and reveals the motives of centrist self-location in 21 European countries. The empirical analysis reveals a novel insight of importance to ideological self-placement: Centrist self-placement is mainly a product of individuals’ voting patterns and their lack of political sophistication. Results also show that the importance of these factors varies across countries. Findings in this article have implications for our understanding of the left–right axis and its role in party competition.},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\QRQC6A8Y\\Rodon - 2015 - Do All Roads Lead to the Center The Unresolved Di.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\WKZJLSVP\\746035.html}
}

@article{rodriguez-zepedaMultilevelModelIdeological2021,
  title = {A {{Multilevel Model}} of {{Ideological Congruence}} in {{Latin America}}},
  author = {Rodríguez-Zepeda, Juan Antonio and Otero-Felipe, Patricia},
  date = {2021-08},
  journaltitle = {Latin American Politics and Society},
  volume = {63},
  number = {3},
  pages = {119--145},
  issn = {1531-426X, 1548-2456},
  doi = {10.1017/lap.2021.25},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/latin-american-politics-and-society/article/multilevel-model-of-ideological-congruence-in-latin-america/03E1145A0E434F4D0F0773C8732C12E9},
  urldate = {2024-12-18},
  abstract = {What explains ideological congruence between citizens and political parties? Although the literature on congruence has recently provided some answers to this question, most of these works have focused on the effect of systemic and partisan factors. They have paid less attention to the effect of people’s characteristics on ideological congruence, which is built by the interaction between citizens’ positions on public issues and those of the political parties that represent them. Our general research hypothesis is that party-voter congruence is stronger when parties reduce the uncertainty about their ideological positions and citizens can understand these signals better. Analysis of Latin American data supports this hypothesis, showing that people’s cognitive ability, specifically education and political knowledge, has a positive effect on party-voter ideological congruence. Moreover, this relationship is moderated by parties’ attributes, such as ideological ambiguity and radicalism.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {congruence,ideology,Latin America,parties,uncertainty,voters},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\S26VWCC5\Rodríguez-Zepeda and Otero-Felipe - 2021 - A Multilevel Model of Ideological Congruence in Latin America.pdf}
}

@article{rodriguez-zepedaMultilevelModelIdeological2021a,
  title = {A {{Multilevel Model}} of {{Ideological Congruence}} in {{Latin America}}},
  author = {Rodríguez-Zepeda, Juan Antonio and Otero-Felipe, Patricia},
  date = {2021-08},
  journaltitle = {Latin American Politics and Society},
  volume = {63},
  number = {3},
  pages = {119--145},
  issn = {1531-426X, 1548-2456},
  doi = {10.1017/lap.2021.25},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/latin-american-politics-and-society/article/multilevel-model-of-ideological-congruence-in-latin-america/03E1145A0E434F4D0F0773C8732C12E9},
  urldate = {2024-12-18},
  abstract = {What explains ideological congruence between citizens and political parties? Although the literature on congruence has recently provided some answers to this question, most of these works have focused on the effect of systemic and partisan factors. They have paid less attention to the effect of people’s characteristics on ideological congruence, which is built by the interaction between citizens’ positions on public issues and those of the political parties that represent them. Our general research hypothesis is that party-voter congruence is stronger when parties reduce the uncertainty about their ideological positions and citizens can understand these signals better. Analysis of Latin American data supports this hypothesis, showing that people’s cognitive ability, specifically education and political knowledge, has a positive effect on party-voter ideological congruence. Moreover, this relationship is moderated by parties’ attributes, such as ideological ambiguity and radicalism.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {congruence,ideology,Latin America,parties,uncertainty,voters},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\F78FK29H\Rodríguez-Zepeda and Otero-Felipe - 2021 - A Multilevel Model of Ideological Congruence in Latin America.pdf}
}

@article{roetsItemSelectionValidation2011,
  title = {Item Selection and Validation of a Brief, 15-Item Version of the {{Need}} for {{Closure Scale}}},
  author = {Roets, Arne and Van Hiel, Alain},
  date = {2011-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  shortjournal = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  volume = {50},
  number = {1},
  pages = {90--94},
  issn = {0191-8869},
  doi = {10.1016/j.paid.2010.09.004},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0191886910004344},
  urldate = {2025-04-01},
  abstract = {Since its introduction, the Need for Closure (NFC) Scale (Webster \& Kruglanski, 1994; revised by Roets \& Van Hiel, 2007) has been frequently used in psychological research. However, given the scale’s substantial length, researchers often used abridged, ‘idiosyncratic’ versions by selecting a number of items on seemingly arbitrary grounds, without reporting or validating their item selection. The present study aims to meet the apparent need for an empirically validated abridged NFC scale. Based on data obtained from an aggregated heterogeneous sample (N=1584), we propose a 15-item selection comprising three items from each facet scale. Comparison of the full and reduced NFC scales revealed similar psychometric properties and correlations with third variables. The brief NFC scale provides researchers with a useful tool for assessing the NFC construct when practical considerations prohibit the use of the original full 42-item scale or the 41-item revised version.},
  keywords = {Abridged,Brief,Item selection,Motivated cognition,Need for Closure Scale,Short,Validation},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\ERRPXDXU\\Roets and Van Hiel - 2011 - Item selection and validation of a brief, 15-item version of the Need for Closure Scale.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\3W5MRD3G\\S0191886910004344.html}
}

@article{rogowskiHowIdeologyFuels2016,
  title = {How {{Ideology Fuels Affective Polarization}}},
  author = {Rogowski, Jon C. and Sutherland, Joseph L.},
  date = {2016-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {38},
  number = {2},
  pages = {485--508},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-015-9323-7},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-015-9323-7},
  urldate = {2025-11-12},
  abstract = {Scholars have reached mixed conclusions about the implications of increased political polarization for citizen decision-making. In this paper, we argue that citizens respond to ideological divergence with heightened affective polarization. Using a survey experiment conducted with a nationally representative sample of U.S. citizens, we find that increased ideological differences between political figures produce increasingly polarized affective evaluations, and that these differences are especially large among respondents with stronger ideological commitments and higher levels of political interest. We provide further support for these findings in an observational study of citizens’ evaluations of the U.S. Senators from their state. We also find that the polarizing effects of ideological differences can be largely mitigated with biographical information about the public officials, which suggests that the pernicious consequences of ideological polarization can be overcome by focusing on matters other than political disagreement.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Affect,Electoral competition,Ideology,Polarization},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\CW822AEV\Rogowski and Sutherland - 2016 - How Ideology Fuels Affective Polarization.pdf}
}

@online{RoleAffectiveCognitive,
  title = {The Role of Affective and Cognitive Attitude Extremity in Perceived Viewpoint Diversity Exposure},
  doi = {10.1177/14614448221117484},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/14614448221117484},
  urldate = {2025-03-18},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\KTFQVWJA\\The role of affective and cognitive attitude extremity in perceived viewpoint diversity exposure.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\3LFBEAED\\14614448221117484.html}
}

@online{RoleAffectiveCognitivea,
  title = {The Role of Affective and Cognitive Attitude Extremity in Perceived Viewpoint Diversity Exposure},
  doi = {10.1177/14614448221117484},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/14614448221117484},
  urldate = {2025-03-20},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\S42SSCIU\\The role of affective and cognitive attitude extremity in perceived viewpoint diversity exposure.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\6LL56SDN\\14614448221117484.html}
}

@incollection{rosemaAssessingQualityEuropean2012,
  title = {Assessing the {{Quality}} of {{European Democracy}}: {{Are Voters Voting Correctly}}?},
  shorttitle = {Assessing the {{Quality}} of {{European Democracy}}},
  booktitle = {How {{Democracy Works}}},
  author = {Rosema, Martin and Vries, Catherine E. De},
  editor = {Rosema, Martin and Denters, Bas and Aarts, Kees},
  date = {2012-07-15},
  edition = {1},
  pages = {199--220},
  publisher = {Amsterdam University Press},
  doi = {10.1017/9789048513369.012},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9789048513369%23c11/type/book_part},
  urldate = {2024-10-03},
  isbn = {978-90-485-1336-9},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GWVV3UUL\Rosema and Vries - 2012 - Assessing the Quality of European Democracy Are V.pdf}
}

@article{rossetHowWellAre2019,
  title = {How Well Are Citizens Represented by Their Governments? {{Issue}} Congruence and Inequality in {{Europe}}},
  shorttitle = {How Well Are Citizens Represented by Their Governments?},
  author = {Rosset, Jan and Stecker, Christian},
  date = {2019-05},
  journaltitle = {European Political Science Review},
  volume = {11},
  number = {2},
  pages = {145--160},
  issn = {1755-7739, 1755-7747},
  doi = {10.1017/S1755773919000043},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/how-well-are-citizens-represented-by-their-governments-issue-congruence-and-inequality-in-europe/4FCE7A0C8503A85A496B17428C096E78},
  urldate = {2024-10-16},
  abstract = {This study analyses congruence across various issues in 16 European democracies. Making use of public opinion and expert survey data, our analyses show that congruence between the policy preferences of citizens and the stances of governments is much more complex than what is revealed by studies focusing on ideology solely. Size and directions of incongruence are larger and more systematic on specific issues than on the left–right scale. On redistribution, citizens are more to the left than their governments, while popular support for European integration is systematically lower among citizens than among their representatives. Moreover, the relatively poor are particularly underrepresented on redistribution, while the preferences of the relatively lower educated are not well reflected in government preferences in relation to European integration. We interpret these results as being partly linked to a representation gap with privileged social groups enjoying higher levels of congruence with their government.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {congruence,Europe,political representation,public opinion},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\MVJ32MAJ\Rosset and Stecker - 2019 - How well are citizens represented by their governm.pdf}
}

@article{rossetHowWellAre2019a,
  title = {How Well Are Citizens Represented by Their Governments? {{Issue}} Congruence and Inequality in {{Europe}}},
  shorttitle = {How Well Are Citizens Represented by Their Governments?},
  author = {Rosset, Jan and Stecker, Christian},
  date = {2019-05},
  journaltitle = {European Political Science Review},
  volume = {11},
  number = {2},
  pages = {145--160},
  issn = {1755-7739, 1755-7747},
  doi = {10.1017/S1755773919000043},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/how-well-are-citizens-represented-by-their-governments-issue-congruence-and-inequality-in-europe/4FCE7A0C8503A85A496B17428C096E78},
  urldate = {2024-10-17},
  abstract = {This study analyses congruence across various issues in 16 European democracies. Making use of public opinion and expert survey data, our analyses show that congruence between the policy preferences of citizens and the stances of governments is much more complex than what is revealed by studies focusing on ideology solely. Size and directions of incongruence are larger and more systematic on specific issues than on the left–right scale. On redistribution, citizens are more to the left than their governments, while popular support for European integration is systematically lower among citizens than among their representatives. Moreover, the relatively poor are particularly underrepresented on redistribution, while the preferences of the relatively lower educated are not well reflected in government preferences in relation to European integration. We interpret these results as being partly linked to a representation gap with privileged social groups enjoying higher levels of congruence with their government.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {congruence,Europe,political representation,public opinion},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\T9BH2ZJ2\Rosset and Stecker - 2019 - How well are citizens represented by their governm.pdf}
}

@article{rothConceptualizationsRaceEssentialism2023,
  title = {Conceptualizations of {{Race}}: {{Essentialism}} and {{Constructivism}}},
  shorttitle = {Conceptualizations of {{Race}}},
  author = {Roth, Wendy D. and family=Stee, given=Elena G., prefix=van, useprefix=false and Regla-Vargas, Alejandra},
  date = {2023-07-31},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  volume = {49},
  pages = {39--58},
  publisher = {Annual Reviews},
  issn = {0360-0572, 1545-2115},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev-soc-031021-034017},
  url = {https://www.annualreviews.org/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-soc-031021-034017},
  urldate = {2025-06-11},
  abstract = {Demonstrating how race is socially constructed has been a core sociological objective, yet many individuals continue to hold essentialist and other concepts of what races are and how to account for group differences. These conceptualizations have crucial consequences for intergroup attitudes, support for social policies, and structures of inequality, all of which are key sociological concerns; yet much of the research in this area has emerged outside of sociology. Our review of this interdisciplinary scholarship describes the range of views people hold, the attitudes and behaviors associated with them, and what factors contribute to these views. We focus primarily on essentialism and constructivism, although we describe the greater variety of beliefs beyond this dichotomy, as well as fluidity in how people use these concepts. We conclude by presenting research on strategies for reducing essentialist belief systems and identifying key areas for future research.},
  issue = {Volume 49, 2023},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\ZVY655QK\\Roth et al. - 2023 - Conceptualizations of Race Essentialism and Constructivism.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\6TNDFNPK\\annurev-soc-031021-034017.html}
}

@article{rudolphInformationProcessingTheory2007,
  title = {An {{Information Processing Theory}} of {{Ambivalence}}},
  author = {Rudolph, Thomas J. and Popp, Elizabeth},
  date = {2007-10},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {28},
  number = {5},
  pages = {563--585},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2007.00590.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2007.00590.x},
  urldate = {2024-04-24},
  abstract = {This paper analyzes the sources of ambivalence toward political parties and candidates. We propose and test an information‐processing theory of ambivalence in which systematic processing is hypothesized to heighten partisan and candidate ambivalence. We show that ambivalence is linked to several dispositional sources of systematic processing, including individuals' information, motivation, and cognitive style. Specifically, we find that ambivalence tends to be greater among the well informed and those who are high in need for cognition while it tends to be lower among those motivated by directional goals. Collectively, our results suggest that levels of partisan and candidate ambivalence are greatest among those most likely to engage in effortful processing of information and that these effects are independent of value conflict. The results further suggest that the effects of effortful processing on ambivalence are moderated by attitude commitment.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{RunningTallyPartisan,
  title = {Beyond the {{Running Tally}}: {{Partisan Bias}} in {{Political Perceptions}}},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\9LZA9TYJ\Beyond the Running Tally Partisan Bias in Politic.pdf}
}

@article{ryanSocialNetworksShortcut2011,
  title = {Social {{Networks}} as a {{Shortcut}} to {{Correct Voting}}},
  author = {Ryan, John Barry},
  date = {2011-10},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {55},
  number = {4},
  pages = {753--766},
  publisher = {John Wiley \& Sons, Ltd},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00528.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00528.x},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  abstract = {This article reports on a small group experiment studying how the preferences of an individual's social network affect her ability to vote for the candidate who will provide her with the greater benefit on both valence issues and position issues. The research diverges from traditional formal models and experimental studies of social communication by expanding the communication network beyond the dyad. The results suggest that social communication is a useful information shortcut for uninformed independents, but not uninformed partisans. Informed individuals incorporate biased social messages into their candidate evaluations, which results in higher levels of incorrect voting in certain types of networks.}
}

@article{sadowskiNeedCognitionBigFive1997,
  title = {Need for {{Cognition}} in the {{Big-Five Factor Structure}}},
  author = {Sadowski, Cyril J. and Cogburn, Helen E.},
  date = {1997-05},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Psychology},
  shortjournal = {The Journal of Psychology},
  volume = {131},
  number = {3},
  pages = {307--312},
  issn = {0022-3980, 1940-1019},
  doi = {10.1080/00223989709603517},
  url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00223989709603517},
  urldate = {2024-04-16},
  abstract = {The short Need for Cognition Scale (Cacioppo, Petty, \& Kao, 1984) and the NEO-FFl (Costa \& McCrae, 1992) were completed by 85 undergraduates to investigate the relationship between need for cognition and the domains of the big-five factor model of personality. Significant positive direct relationships were obtained between need for cognition and the big-five domains of openness to experience and conscientiousness. These findings are consistent with the conceptualization of need for cognition as the tendency to enjoy and engage in effortful thought. There also was a significant first-order negative correlation between need for cognition and the neuroticism domain. This finding is consistent with the role of need for cognition hypothesized within cognitive-experiential self-theory (Epstein, 1994).},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8G3E6Q7E\Sadowski and Cogburn - 1997 - Need for Cognition in the Big-Five Factor Structur.pdf}
}

@article{sassenbergIntraindividualConflictsReduce2024,
  title = {Intraindividual {{Conflicts Reduce}} the {{Polarization}} of {{Attitudes}}},
  author = {Sassenberg, Kai and Winter, Kevin},
  date = {2024-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Current Directions in Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Curr Dir Psychol Sci},
  volume = {33},
  number = {3},
  pages = {190--197},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0963-7214},
  doi = {10.1177/09637214241242452},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/09637214241242452},
  urldate = {2025-03-30},
  abstract = {Societies are increasingly divided about political issues such as migration or counteracting climate change. This attitudinal polarization is the basis for intergroup conflict and prevents societal progress in addressing pressing challenges. Research on attitude change should provide an answer regarding how people might be persuaded to move away from the extremes to take a moderate stance. However, persuasive communication often most strongly affects those who hold a moderate attitude or are undecided. More importantly, barely any research has explicitly aimed at mitigating extreme attitudes and behavioral tendencies. Addressing this gap, this article summarizes research demonstrating that (different types of) intraindividual conflicts might be a means to mitigate polarized attitudes. Goal conflicts, cognitive conflicts, counterfactual thinking, and paradoxical thinking facilitate cognitive flexibility. This, in turn, seems to initiate the consideration of alternative stances and mitigate the polarization of attitudes. We discuss the limitations of the existing research and the potential of this approach for interventions.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NRZ4MRFU\Sassenberg and Winter - 2024 - Intraindividual Conflicts Reduce the Polarization of Attitudes.pdf}
}

@article{sawyerGeneticEssentialismAltright2024a,
  title = {The Genetic Essentialism of the Alt-Right},
  author = {Sawyer, Katherine and Nam, H Hannah},
  date = {2024-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Research \& Politics},
  volume = {11},
  number = {2},
  pages = {20531680241252465},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {2053-1680},
  doi = {10.1177/20531680241252465},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/20531680241252465},
  urldate = {2025-06-18},
  abstract = {The belief among white nationalist, alt-right supporters that white people are being systematically replaced by non-white groups in society (i.e., the conspiracy theory of “great replacement”) is grounded in their broader beliefs in “race realism”—that is, the idea that racial categories are biologically determined. Here, we probe the common psychological biases that may contribute to the alt-right’s racist ideology. Surveying a national sample of Americans (N = 1500), we find that alt-right supporters are significantly more likely to support essentialist beliefs—the notion that biology forms the core of who people are—than other Americans. Moreover, results from a two-wave experiment suggest that the alt-right interprets media narratives around behavioral science research in a way that reinforces belief in fundamental genetic differences between social groups. Consistent with expectations, narratives that emphasize deterministic genetic explanations for behavior lead all participants (regardless of alt-right support) to express increased essentialist beliefs. However, for alt-right supporters, socioenvironmental explanations for human behavior also lead to an increase in essentialist beliefs. Moreover, alt-right supporters are more likely to mistakenly interpret socioenvironmental narratives as direct evidence for the genetic basis of behavior. We suggest that essentialist thinking may provide a cognitive gateway to alt-right ideology.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WEXTWKTH\Sawyer and Nam - 2024 - The genetic essentialism of the alt-right.pdf}
}

@article{schneiderGeneticAttributionsSign2018,
  title = {Genetic {{Attributions}}: {{Sign}} of {{Intolerance}} or {{Acceptance}}?},
  shorttitle = {Genetic {{Attributions}}},
  author = {Schneider, Stephen P. and Smith, Kevin B. and Hibbing, John R.},
  date = {2018-07},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {80},
  number = {3},
  pages = {1023--1027},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.1086/696860},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1086/696860},
  urldate = {2025-07-30},
  abstract = {Many scholars argue that people who attribute human characteristics to genetic causes also tend to hold politically and socially problematic attitudes. More specifically, public acceptance of genetic influences is believed to be associated with intolerance, prejudice, and the legitimation of social inequities and laissez-faire policies. We test these expectations with original data from two nationally representative samples that allow us to identify the American public’s attributional patterns across 18 diverse traits. Key findings are (1) genetic attributions are actually more likely to be made by liberals, not conservatives; (2) genetic attributions are associated with higher, not lower, levels of tolerance of vulnerable individuals; and (3) genetic attributions do not correlate with unseemly racial attitudes.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\W2XQDZB5\Schneider et al. - 2018 - Genetic Attributions Sign of Intolerance or Acceptance.pdf}
}

@article{schneiderGeneticAttributionsSign2018a,
  title = {Genetic {{Attributions}}: {{Sign}} of {{Intolerance}} or {{Acceptance}}?},
  shorttitle = {Genetic {{Attributions}}},
  author = {Schneider, Stephen P. and Smith, Kevin B. and Hibbing, John R.},
  date = {2018-07},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  shortjournal = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {80},
  number = {3},
  pages = {1023--1027},
  issn = {0022-3816, 1468-2508},
  doi = {10.1086/696860},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/696860},
  urldate = {2025-10-06},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3KVWEBPU\Schneider et al. - 2018 - Genetic Attributions Sign of Intolerance or Acceptance.pdf}
}

@incollection{seibertFiveFactorModel2017,
  title = {The {{Five Factor Model}} of {{Personality}} in {{Business}} and {{Industry}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Seibert, Scott E. and DeGeest, David S.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.1},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.1},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {Personality traits have played a central role in industrial/organizational psychology, human resource management, and organizational behavior, the key fields in the application of psychology to business and industry. In the early years, excessive optimism led scholars to unrealistic expectations about the value of personality traits at work. This was followed by a period of profound pessimism regarding the value of personality as an explanatory variable when the unrealistic expectations were inevitably disappointed. More recently, advances in theory and methodology have led scholars to re-examine the role of personality with more realistic expectations. The Five Factor Model (FFM) has predominated as an integrative personality structure for conceptualizing and researching the relationship of personality to workplace outcomes. Five specific domains of research are considered herein: personnel selection; employee motivation, attitudes, and behavior; leadership; teams; and entrepreneurship. The chapter ends with open questions for future research in this domain.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\JX2KM8SV\\Seibert and DeGeest - 2017 - The Five Factor Model of Personality in Business a.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\MR4UAKWE\\211687707.html}
}

@article{selzamComparingBetweenFamilyPolygenic2019,
  title = {Comparing {{Within-}} and {{Between-Family Polygenic Score Prediction}}},
  author = {Selzam, Saskia and Ritchie, Stuart J. and Pingault, Jean-Baptiste and Reynolds, Chandra A. and O’Reilly, Paul F. and Plomin, Robert},
  date = {2019-08},
  journaltitle = {The American Journal of Human Genetics},
  shortjournal = {The American Journal of Human Genetics},
  volume = {105},
  number = {2},
  pages = {351--363},
  issn = {00029297},
  doi = {10.1016/j.ajhg.2019.06.006},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0002929719302319},
  urldate = {2024-03-11},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BIGI729G\Selzam et al. - 2019 - Comparing Within- and Between-Family Polygenic Sco.pdf}
}

@article{settleHeritabilityPartisanAttachment2009,
  title = {The {{Heritability}} of {{Partisan Attachment}}},
  author = {Settle, Jaime E. and Dawes, Christopher T. and Fowler, James H.},
  date = {2009-09},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Political Research Quarterly},
  volume = {62},
  number = {3},
  pages = {601--613},
  issn = {1065-9129, 1938-274X},
  doi = {10.1177/1065912908327607},
  url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1065912908327607},
  urldate = {2024-03-04},
  abstract = {One of the strongest regularities in the empirical political science literature is the well-known correlation in parent and child partisan behavior. Until recently this phenomenon was thought to result solely from parental socialization, but new evidence on genetic sources of behavior suggests it might also be due to heritability. In this article we hypothesize that genes contribute to variation in a general tendency toward strength of partisanship. Using data collected at the Twins Days Festival, we compare the similarity of partisan strength in identical twins who share all of their genes to the similarity of partisan strength in non-identical twins who share only half of their genes. The results show that heritability accounts for almost half of the variance in strength of partisan attachment, and they suggest that we should pay closer attention to the role of biology in the expression of important political behaviors.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\97735PME\Settle et al. - 2009 - The Heritability of Partisan Attachment.pdf}
}

@article{settleNegativeAffectivityPolitical2017,
  title = {Negative {{Affectivity}}, {{Political Contention}}, and {{Turnout}}: {{A Genopolitics Field Experiment}}},
  shorttitle = {Negative {{Affectivity}}, {{Political Contention}}, and {{Turnout}}},
  author = {Settle, Jaime E. and Dawes, Christopher T. and Loewen, Peter John and Panagopoulos, Costas},
  date = {2017-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {38},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1065--1082},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12379},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12379},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {Recent genopolitics and political psychology research suggests individuals’ biological differences influence political participation. The interaction between individual differences and environments has received less attention, not least because of the confound of self-selection into environments. To test the interaction between innate predispositions and an exogenous environmental influence, we conducted a field experiment during the 2010 California midterm elections. We randomly assigned subjects to receive a postcard mobilization treatment designed to induce an emotional response to the degree of political contention in the election. We tested the possibility that subjects who are genetically predisposed toward negative affectivity will be less likely to vote after treatment exposure. To our knowledge, this is the first field experiment in political science to measure genetic moderation of a treatment, and it suggests experimental approaches can benefit from the inclusion of genetically and other biologically informative covariates.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FK6H3M22\Settle et al. - 2017 - Negative Affectivity, Political Contention, and Tu.pdf}
}

@article{settleNegativeAffectivityPolitical2017,
  title = {Negative {{Affectivity}}, {{Political Contention}}, and {{Turnout}}: {{A Genopolitics Field Experiment}}},
  shorttitle = {Negative {{Affectivity}}, {{Political Contention}}, and {{Turnout}}},
  author = {Settle, Jaime E. and Dawes, Christopher T. and Loewen, Peter John and Panagopoulos, Costas},
  date = {2017-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {38},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1065--1082},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12379},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12379},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {Recent genopolitics and political psychology research suggests individuals’ biological differences influence political participation. The interaction between individual differences and environments has received less attention, not least because of the confound of self-selection into environments. To test the interaction between innate predispositions and an exogenous environmental influence, we conducted a field experiment during the 2010 California midterm elections. We randomly assigned subjects to receive a postcard mobilization treatment designed to induce an emotional response to the degree of political contention in the election. We tested the possibility that subjects who are genetically predisposed toward negative affectivity will be less likely to vote after treatment exposure. To our knowledge, this is the first field experiment in political science to measure genetic moderation of a treatment, and it suggests experimental approaches can benefit from the inclusion of genetically and other biologically informative covariates.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\AAYUCWZK\Settle et al. - 2017 - Negative Affectivity, Political Contention, and Tu.pdf}
}

@article{settleNegativeAffectivityPolitical2017a,
  title = {Negative {{Affectivity}}, {{Political Contention}}, and {{Turnout}}: {{A Genopolitics Field Experiment}}},
  shorttitle = {Negative {{Affectivity}}, {{Political Contention}}, and {{Turnout}}},
  author = {Settle, Jaime E. and Dawes, Christopher T. and Loewen, Peter John and Panagopoulos, Costas},
  date = {2017-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {38},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1065--1082},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12379},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/pops.12379},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {Recent genopolitics and political psychology research suggests individuals’ biological differences influence political participation. The interaction between individual differences and environments has received less attention, not least because of the confound of self-selection into environments. To test the interaction between innate predispositions and an exogenous environmental influence, we conducted a field experiment during the 2010 California midterm elections. We randomly assigned subjects to receive a postcard mobilization treatment designed to induce an emotional response to the degree of political contention in the election. We tested the possibility that subjects who are genetically predisposed toward negative affectivity will be less likely to vote after treatment exposure. To our knowledge, this is the first field experiment in political science to measure genetic moderation of a treatment, and it suggests experimental approaches can benefit from the inclusion of genetically and other biologically informative covariates.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2I3P3U9Z\Settle et al. - 2017 - Negative Affectivity, Political Contention, and Tu.pdf}
}

@article{shehataUnemploymentAgendaPanel2010,
  title = {Unemployment on the {{Agenda}}: {{A Panel Study}} of {{Agenda-Setting Effects During}} the 2006 {{Swedish National Election Campaign}}},
  shorttitle = {Unemployment on the {{Agenda}}},
  author = {Shehata, Adam},
  date = {2010-03-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Communication},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Communication},
  volume = {60},
  number = {1},
  pages = {182--203},
  issn = {0021-9916},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.2009.01475.x},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2009.01475.x},
  urldate = {2025-06-12},
  abstract = {The issue of unemployment and job creation dominated news coverage during the 2006 Swedish National Election campaign. The purpose of this study is to analyze individual-level agenda-setting effects in the 2006 Swedish National Election campaign. Apart from being one of the first agenda-setting studies conducted in Sweden, this study builds upon a panel survey with 1,007 respondents, which makes it possible to impose stricter control of the causal relationship between the media and public agendas. The overall findings show that agenda-setting effects were indeed present. Furthermore, attention to political news had stronger effects among people with low political interest compared with those who were highly interested. Education was not a contingent factor, though.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\IS6RR7X5\Shehata - 2010 - Unemployment on the Agenda A Panel Study of Agenda-Setting Effects During the 2006 Swedish National.pdf}
}

@article{sidaniusPoliticalSophisticationPolitical1988,
  title = {Political Sophistication and Political Deviance: {{A}} Structural Equation Examination of Context Theory},
  shorttitle = {Political Sophistication and Political Deviance},
  author = {Sidanius, Jim},
  date = {1988},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  volume = {55},
  number = {1},
  pages = {37--51},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-1315},
  doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.55.1.37},
  abstract = {Context and ideologue theory each imply different causal relations between political sophistication, self-confidence, and political deviance. This study used linear measurement and structural equation models to test the plausibility of various causal models dealing with the relations among indexes of political sophistication, self-confidence, print media usage, racism, and political deviance. The findings were consistent with the expectations of context theory and contradictory to the expectations of the various ideologue models. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Political Attitudes,Political Radicalism,Self-Esteem},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WARZMEUH\doiLanding.html}
}

@article{sidaniusPoliticalSophisticationPolitical1988a,
  title = {Political {{Sophistication}} and {{Political Deviance}}: {{A Structural Equation Examination}} of {{Context Theory}}},
  author = {Sidanius, Jim},
  date = {1988},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LUMHDRJC\Sidanius - Political Sophistication and Political Deviance A.pdf}
}

@incollection{simmsAssessmentFiveFactor2017,
  title = {Assessment of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Simms, Leonard and Williams, Trevor F. and Simms, Ericka Nus},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.28},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.28},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {We review the current state of the science with respect to the assessment of the Five Factor Model (FFM), a robust structural model of personality that emerged from two distinct traditions: The lexical and questionnaire traditions. The lexical tradition is predicated on the hypothesis that important individual differences in personality are encoded as single words in language. This bottom-up tradition has suggested that five broad factors account for much of the personality variation observed among individuals: Extraversion (or Surgency), Agreeableness, Conscientiousness (or Dependability), Neuroticism (vs. Emotional Stability), and Openness to Experience (or Intellect/Culture). The questionnaire tradition emphasizes the measurement of similar constructs, largely through top-down development of measures. We examine the strengths and limitations associated with existing measures of the FFM and related models, focusing on measures rooted in the lexical and questionnaire traditions. We also consider maladaptive FFM measures and conclude by analyzing important issues in the FFM assessment literature.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\EXWZEAQS\\Simms et al. - 2017 - Assessment of the Five Factor Model.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\5QFGEEJK\\211687374.html}
}

@article{singhContextualInfluencesDecision2010,
  title = {Contextual Influences on the Decision Calculus: {{A}} Cross-National Examination of Proximity Voting},
  shorttitle = {Contextual Influences on the Decision Calculus},
  author = {Singh, Shane P.},
  date = {2010-09-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  series = {Special {{Symposium}}: {{Voters}} and {{Coalition Governments}}},
  volume = {29},
  number = {3},
  pages = {425--434},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2010.03.014},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379410000314},
  urldate = {2024-11-06},
  abstract = {It is generally held that individuals vote for the party that most closely aligns with their preferences, yet previous research identifies numerous factors which lead individuals to stray from the proximity logic. To shed light on this phenomenon, I examine proximity voting from a comparative perspective. Results from a multilevel model indicate that several individual- and election-level factors affect the likelihood of a proximity vote. I also find proximity voting to occur less in countries where political variation is not well-captured by a single dimension. These findings shed light on the bases of proximity voting and add to the general understanding of the nature of voting behavior.},
  keywords = {Election context,Electoral systems,Proximity voting,The dimensions of politics,Voting behavior},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\E2W34SZD\S0261379410000314.html}
}

@article{singhContextualInfluencesDecision2010a,
  title = {Contextual Influences on the Decision Calculus: {{A}} Cross-National Examination of Proximity Voting},
  shorttitle = {Contextual Influences on the Decision Calculus},
  author = {Singh, Shane P.},
  date = {2010-09-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  series = {Special {{Symposium}}: {{Voters}} and {{Coalition Governments}}},
  volume = {29},
  number = {3},
  pages = {425--434},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2010.03.014},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379410000314},
  urldate = {2025-04-28},
  abstract = {It is generally held that individuals vote for the party that most closely aligns with their preferences, yet previous research identifies numerous factors which lead individuals to stray from the proximity logic. To shed light on this phenomenon, I examine proximity voting from a comparative perspective. Results from a multilevel model indicate that several individual- and election-level factors affect the likelihood of a proximity vote. I also find proximity voting to occur less in countries where political variation is not well-captured by a single dimension. These findings shed light on the bases of proximity voting and add to the general understanding of the nature of voting behavior.},
  keywords = {Election context,Electoral systems,Proximity voting,The dimensions of politics,Voting behavior},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\92KTLTI8\\Singh - 2010 - Contextual influences on the decision calculus A cross-national examination of proximity voting.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\RBBS335U\\S0261379410000314.html}
}

@article{singhPoliticalKnowledgeDecision2014,
  title = {Political Knowledge, the Decision Calculus, and Proximity Voting},
  author = {Singh, Shane P. and Roy, Jason},
  date = {2014-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {34},
  pages = {89--99},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2013.11.007},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379413001856},
  urldate = {2025-04-28},
  abstract = {This paper employs an online voting simulation to examine how the vote decision process affects the vote choice. We focus on proximity voting, an empirically powerful but informationally demanding model of voter behavior. Holding contextual factors constant, we find that more politically knowledgeable individuals engage in a deeper and broader decision process prior to casting their ballot, and, in turn, a more detailed decision process boosts the likelihood that one will vote proximately. In addition, we find that detailed decision processes have a stronger link with proximity voting among the most knowledgeable individuals, who are able to skillfully engage with new information.},
  keywords = {Political knowledge,Political sophistication,Proximity voting,Spatial voting,Vote decision calculus,Voting simulations},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\G9JZ8ZYA\S0261379413001856.html}
}

@article{slothuusPartyPocketbookHow2021,
  title = {Party over {{Pocketbook}}? {{How Party Cues Influence Opinion When Citizens Have}} a {{Stake}} in {{Policy}}},
  shorttitle = {Party over {{Pocketbook}}?},
  author = {Slothuus, Rune and Bisgaard, Martin},
  date = {2021-08},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {115},
  number = {3},
  pages = {1090--1096},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.1017/S0003055421000332},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/party-over-pocketbook-how-party-cues-influence-opinion-when-citizens-have-a-stake-in-policy/3C748D95E9E07B5DBA80744842AB855B?utm_source=chatgpt.com},
  urldate = {2025-10-27},
  abstract = {Do political parties influence opinion when citizens have a personal stake in policy? With an experimental design that exploits a naturally occurring, sharp variation in party cues, we study the effects of party cues during a collective bargaining conflict over the salary and work rights for public employees in Denmark. Even in this context—where the self-interest of public employees was strongly mobilized and where their party went against it—we find that party cues move opinion among partisans at least as much as in previous studies. But party cues do not lead citizens to go against their self-interest. Rather, we show that party cues temper the pursuit of self-interest among public employees by moderating the most extreme policy demands. These findings highlight an unappreciated potential of political parties to moderate—not fuel—extreme opinion.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LD2T82ZW\Slothuus and Bisgaard - 2021 - Party over Pocketbook How Party Cues Influence Opinion When Citizens Have a Stake in Policy.pdf}
}

@article{slothuusPoliticalPartiesMotivated2010,
  title = {Political {{Parties}}, {{Motivated Reasoning}}, and {{Issue Framing Effects}}},
  author = {Slothuus, Rune and family=Vreese, given=Claes H., prefix=de, useprefix=true},
  date = {2010-07},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {72},
  number = {3},
  pages = {630--645},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.1017/S002238161000006X},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1017/S002238161000006X},
  urldate = {2025-11-20},
  abstract = {Issue framing is one of the most important means of elite influence on public opinion. However, we know almost nothing about how citizens respond to frames in what is possibly the most common situation in politics: when frames are sponsored by political parties. Linking theory on motivated reasoning with framing research, we argue not only that citizens should be more likely to follow a frame if it is promoted by “their” party; we expect such biases to be more pronounced on issues at the center of party conflicts and among the more politically aware. Two experiments embedded in a nationally representative survey support these arguments. Our findings revise current knowledge on framing, parties, and public opinion.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\PD6BWAML\Slothuus and de Vreese - 2010 - Political Parties, Motivated Reasoning, and Issue Framing Effects.pdf}
}

@online{SocialNetworksCorrect,
  title = {Social {{Networks}} and {{Correct Voting}}},
  doi = {10.1017/S0022381612000461},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/epdf/10.1017/S0022381612000461},
  urldate = {2024-08-13},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\E9MMDLEP\\Social Networks and Correct Voting.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\I9L3M2RE\\S0022381612000461.html}
}

@article{sokheySocialNetworksCorrect2012,
  title = {Social {{Networks}} and {{Correct Voting}}},
  author = {Sokhey, Anand Edward and McClurg, Scott D.},
  date = {2012-07},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {74},
  number = {3},
  pages = {751--764},
  publisher = {The University of Chicago Press},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.1017/S0022381612000461},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1017/S0022381612000461},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  abstract = {Work on the nexus between deliberation and democratic practice has considered the normative consequences of socially driven behavior. However, a common criticism of interpersonal networks is that most people have insular social circles and that when they do not they are unlikely to engage in politics. We show that such pessimistic assessments are unwarranted, though for unexpected reasons. Using data from the 1992 Cross-National Election Project and the 2000 ANES, we examine the conditions under which social networks promote interest-based voting in the United States. We find that networks facilitate connections between individuals’ vote decisions and their underlying preferences when they provide unambiguous signals regarding candidates—because many Americans reside in supportive social environments, networks often help citizens make “correct” voting decisions (Lau and Redlawsk 1997 ). Thus, social networks appear to help shoulder the demands of democratic theory, but not by helping people learn about politics in any traditional sense.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\VR3FLU82\Sokhey and McClurg - 2012 - Social Networks and Correct Voting.pdf}
}

@online{SoulPolarizedDemocracy,
  title = {The {{Soul}} of a {{Polarized Democracy}}},
  doi = {10.1177/0093650209333023},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/0093650209333023},
  urldate = {2025-03-20},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FCAULVAT\0093650209333023.html}
}

@article{soyluyalcinkayaBiologicalCulturalEssence2017,
  title = {The ({{Biological}} or {{Cultural}}) {{Essence}} of {{Essentialism}}: {{Implications}} for {{Policy Support}} among {{Dominant}} and {{Subordinated Groups}}},
  shorttitle = {The ({{Biological}} or {{Cultural}}) {{Essence}} of {{Essentialism}}},
  author = {Soylu Yalcinkaya, Nur and Estrada-Villalta, Sara and Adams, Glenn},
  date = {2017-05-30},
  journaltitle = {Frontiers in Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Front. Psychol.},
  volume = {8},
  publisher = {Frontiers},
  issn = {1664-1078},
  doi = {10.3389/fpsyg.2017.00900},
  url = {https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2017.00900/full},
  urldate = {2025-08-05},
  abstract = {Most research links (racial) essentialism to negative intergroup outcomes. We propose that this conclusion reflects both a narrow conceptual focus on biological/genetic essence and a narrow research focus from the perspective of racially dominant groups. We distinguished between beliefs in biological and cultural essences, and we investigated the implications of this distinction for support of social justice policies (e.g., affirmative action) among people with dominant (White) and subordinated (e.g., Black, Latino) racial identities in the United States. Whereas endorsement of biological essentialism may have similarly negative implications for social justice policies across racial categories, we investigated the hypothesis that endorsement of cultural essentialism would have different implications across racial categories. In Studies 1a and 1b, we assess the properties of a cultural essentialism measure we developed using two samples with different racial/ethnic compositions. In Study 2, we collected data from 170 participants using an online questionnaire to test the implications of essentialist beliefs for policy support. Consistent with previous research, we found that belief in biological essentialism was negatively related to policy support for participants from both dominant and subordinated categories. In contrast, the relationship between cultural essentialism and policy support varied across identity categories in the hypothesized way: negative for participants from the dominant category but positive for participants from subordinated categories. Results suggest that cultural essentialism may provide a way of identification that subordinated communities use to mobilize support for social justice.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Affirmative action,cultural essentialism,Cultural inclusion,diversity,Immigration policy,strategic essentialism},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3QEDMDX6\Soylu Yalcinkaya et al. - 2017 - The (Biological or Cultural) Essence of Essentialism Implications for Policy Support among Dominant.pdf}
}

@article{steckerMultidimensionalGovernmentcitizenCongruence2016,
  title = {Multidimensional Government-Citizen Congruence and Satisfaction with Democracy},
  author = {Stecker, Christian and Tausendpfund, Markus},
  date = {2016},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {55},
  number = {3},
  pages = {492--511},
  issn = {1475-6765},
  doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12147},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1475-6765.12147},
  urldate = {2024-10-17},
  abstract = {In the first comparative study of multidimensional government-citizen policy congruence, this article shows that citizens are less satisfied with democracy when their views differ from that of the government on policy dimensions beyond the general left-right axis. Satisfaction is reduced by a government that deviates on European integration and redistribution and partly also on social lifestyle, immigration and environmental protection. Furthermore, this analysis identifies the level of political interest as central moderator of this relationship. Satisfaction of citizens with stronger interest in politics suffers more when there is a politically distant government. Combining data from the 2010 Chapel Hill Expert Survey and two waves of the European Social Survey, the analysis builds on information on citizen-government policy congruence of some 45,000 citizens and 31 governments in 15 Western and Central Eastern European countries. The article brings a multidimensional perspective to the study of policy congruence between citizens and governments in a time when the preference structure of parties and citizens has become increasingly complex.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {congruence,dimensionality,representation,satisfaction with democracy},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\EALWPJ27\\Stecker and Tausendpfund - 2016 - Multidimensional government-citizen congruence and.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\UN2ZLC58\\1475-6765.html}
}

@article{steinmannParadoxIntegrationWhy2019,
  title = {The Paradox of Integration: Why Do Higher Educated New Immigrants Perceive More Discrimination in {{Germany}}?},
  shorttitle = {The Paradox of Integration},
  author = {Steinmann, Jan-Philip},
  date = {2019-07-04},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies},
  volume = {45},
  number = {9},
  pages = {1377--1400},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1369-183X},
  doi = {10.1080/1369183X.2018.1480359},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2018.1480359},
  urldate = {2025-06-17},
  abstract = {This article analyses the relation between immigrants’ educational attainment and their perceived discrimination. Previous studies in the Netherlands have found that ethnic discrimination is a particularly salient concern among higher educated immigrants, also referred to as the paradox of integration. By using data from the SCIP-project (‘Causes and Consequences of Early Socio-Cultural Integration Processes among New Immigrants in Europe’), I empirically examine, firstly, whether this counterintuitive finding applies to the group of recently arrived Polish and Turkish immigrants in Germany. Secondly, based on three theoretical perspectives, and taking the opportunity structure, immigrants’ awareness, and their relative deprivation into account, I am concerned with the explanation of the integration paradox. Bivariate results confirm the existence of the integration paradox for recent immigrants in Germany. The findings of mediation analysis and effect decomposition indicate that all three theoretical approaches contribute to the explanation; however, the positive relation between educational attainment and perceived discrimination requires slightly different explanations for Poles and Turks. The results further illustrate that it would be misleading to conclude that higher educated immigrants are automatically protected against discriminatory acts.},
  keywords = {discrimination,education,immigrants,Integration,KHB decomposition},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NJP6759D\Steinmann - 2019 - The paradox of integration why do higher educated new immigrants perceive more discrimination in Ge.pdf}
}

@article{stimsonDynamicRepresentation1995,
  title = {Dynamic {{Representation}}},
  author = {Stimson, James A. and Mackuen, Michael B. and Erikson, Robert S.},
  date = {1995-09},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {89},
  number = {3},
  pages = {543--565},
  issn = {1537-5943, 0003-0554},
  doi = {10.2307/2082973},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/abs/dynamic-representation/0BF0C091BFF116F645EE16C9C5D37995},
  urldate = {2025-07-31},
  abstract = {If public opinion changes and then public policy responds, this is dynamic representation. Public opinion is the global policy preference of the American electorate. Policy is a diverse set of acts of elected and unelected officials. Two mechanisms of policy responsiveness are (1) elections change the government's political composition, which is then reflected in new policy and (2) policymakers calculate future (mainly electoral) implications of current public views and act accordingly (rational anticipation). We develop multiple indicators of policy activity for the House, Senate, presidency, and Supreme Court, then model policy liberalism as a joint function of the two mechanisms. For each institution separately, and also in a global analysis of “government as a whole,” we find that policy responds dynamically to public opinion change. This responsiveness varies by institution, both in level and in mechanism, as would be expected from constitutional design.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{stubagerOneSizeDoesnt2018,
  title = {One Size Doesn't Fit All: {{Voter}} Decision Criteria Heterogeneity and Vote Choice},
  shorttitle = {One Size Doesn't Fit All},
  author = {Stubager, Rune and Seeberg, Henrik Bech and So, Florence},
  date = {2018-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {52},
  pages = {1--10},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2017.12.002},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379417305644},
  urldate = {2024-11-08},
  abstract = {Although classic voting studies noted that voters may reach their voting decision on the basis of different criteria most contemporary voting studies assume that one voting model fits all. Building on the limited, but developing literature on the topic, this paper develops and tests models incorporating voter decision criteria heterogeneity. Paying particular attention to the role of voter sophistication, we investigate which voters mainly decide on the basis of ideology, position and valence issues, or party leaders, and how these differences influence their party choices. Analyses using mixed logit and a specially-designed survey instrument embedded in a high-quality, nationally representative survey of Danish voters show that decision criteria heterogeneity has substantial influence on the vote. The conclusion discusses the normative implications, in particular the question of whether voters’ reliance on party leaders constitutes a democratic problem.},
  keywords = {Issue voting,Party leaders,Voter heterogeneity,Voter sophistication,Voting},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\ZZ868L3G\\Stubager et al. - 2018 - One size doesn't fit all Voter decision criteria .pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\E9FLZDMX\\S0261379417305644.html}
}

@article{sturgisMiddleAlternativesRevisited2014,
  title = {Middle {{Alternatives Revisited}}: {{How}} the Neither/nor {{Response Acts}} as a {{Way}} of {{Saying}} “{{I Don}}’t {{Know}}”?},
  shorttitle = {Middle {{Alternatives Revisited}}},
  author = {Sturgis, Patrick and Roberts, Caroline and Smith, Patten},
  date = {2014-02},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Methods \& Research},
  shortjournal = {Sociological Methods \& Research},
  volume = {43},
  number = {1},
  pages = {15--38},
  issn = {0049-1241, 1552-8294},
  doi = {10.1177/0049124112452527},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0049124112452527},
  urldate = {2024-11-01},
  abstract = {A persistent problem in the design of bipolar attitude questions is whether or not to include a middle response alternative. On the one hand, it is reasonable to assume that people might hold opinions which are `neutral’ with regard to issues of public controversy. On the other, question designers suspect that offering a mid-point may attract respondents with no opinion, or those who lean to one side of an issue but do not wish to incur the cognitive costs required to determine a directional response. Existing research into the effects of offering a middle response alternative has predominantly used a split-ballot design, in which respondents are assigned to conditions which offer or omit a midpoint. While this body of work has been useful in demonstrating that offering or excluding a mid-point substantially influences the answers respondents provide, it does not offer any clear resolution to the question of which format yields more accurate data. In this paper, we use a different approach. We use follow-up probes administered to respondents who initially select the mid-point to determine whether they selected this alternative in order to indicate opinion neutrality, or to indicate that they do not have an opinion on the issue. We find the vast majority of responses turn out to be what we term `face-saving don’t knows’ and that reallocating these responses from the mid-point to the don’t know category significantly alters descriptive and multivariate inferences. Counter to the survey-satisficing perspective, we find that those with this tendency is greatest amongst those who express more interest in the topic area.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\BYC8PXU3\Sturgis et al. - 2014 - Middle Alternatives Revisited How the neithernor.pdf}
}

@article{sundstrom21IntroductionPublic,
  title = {21 {{Introduction}}: {{Public Administration}} },
  author = {Sundström, Göran},
  abstract = {This introduction presents four chapters that comprise a discussion of Swedish public administration. The rst chapter discusses four characteristics which together form the backbone of what is often referred to as the Swedish administrative model. The second chapter is a study of Swedish administrative reform from the mid-1970s until today. The third chapter discusses Swedish public servants and the question to what extent they are to be considered traditional bureaucrats or “managers” modeled after the private sector; and the nal chapter explores the way the Swedish government governs the administration and the challenges that entails, given the organizational complexity of modern states.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WWBHDC2E\Sundström - 21 Introduction Public Administration .pdf}
}

@article{sundstrom23AdministrativeReform,
  title = {23 {{Administrative Reform}} },
  author = {Sundström, Göran},
  abstract = {This chapter contains an analysis of Swedish administrative reform from the mid-1970s until today. It shows that Sweden has embraced most New Public Management ideas. Regarding management ideas Sweden was an early mover, whereas the neoliberal part of the NPM package took root quite late, from around 1990. In recent years Sweden has also embraced some “post-NPM” ideas. The chapter shows that the development partly can be understood as rational problem-solving. However, there are also observations supporting the argument that the development partly should be understood as rulefollowing and partly in terms of a path dependency. Regarding e ects, critics argue that the reforms have brought about a more fragmented state, created a low-trust culture, made the pubic o cials more silent, and generated paperwork which precludes the agencies from carrying out their ordinary work.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZJKX4WHA\Sundström - 23 Administrative Reform .pdf}
}

@incollection{sutinOpenness2017,
  title = {Openness},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Sutin, Angelina R.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.16},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.16},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {Despite its early struggles to survive, openness is now recognized as a personality trait with far-reaching consequences. This chapter is an overview of how individual differences in cognitive flexibility, sensitivity to aesthetics, depth of feeling, and preference for novelty contribute to important domains of functioning. Briefly reviewed will be conceptualizations of openness, some measurement considerations, and where it fits within the nomological net of related constructs. The chapter is then devoted to the nature and consequences of openness, arranged from the biological to the societal. Research on the biological roots of openness and its developmental trajectory from early childhood through old age are then covered. Also considered is how openness contributes to nearly every aspect of functioning, including health and well-being, employment, person presentation and perception, marriage and family, and its geographic implications.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\M5264WYA\\Sutin - 2017 - Openness.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\46953D7S\\211681786.html}
}

@article{sweetserPartisanPersonalityPsychological2014,
  title = {Partisan {{Personality}}: {{The Psychological Differences Between Democrats}} and {{Republicans}}, and {{Independents Somewhere}} in {{Between}}},
  shorttitle = {Partisan {{Personality}}},
  author = {Sweetser, Kaye D.},
  date = {2014-08},
  journaltitle = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  shortjournal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  volume = {58},
  number = {9},
  pages = {1183--1194},
  issn = {0002-7642, 1552-3381},
  doi = {10.1177/0002764213506215},
  url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0002764213506215},
  urldate = {2024-03-18},
  abstract = {Focusing on the psychological underpinnings of partisanship, this study asks whether there is a difference in the personality profile for self-described Democrats and Republicans. Using a survey of young voters (N = 610), psychological measures such as the Big Five personality dimensions and locus of control were measured in conjunction with standard political interest variables such as political cynicism and political information efficacy. The results indicate supporters for the two major parties are wired differently, in line with previous findings about ideology. Democrats were driven by an external locus of control and Republicans by an internal locus. This research finds self-identified Independents as truly being somewhere in between.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\VC6JHVQ9\Sweetser - 2014 - Partisan Personality The Psychological Difference.pdf}
}

@article{taberMotivatedSkepticismEvaluation2006,
  title = {Motivated {{Skepticism}} in the {{Evaluation}} of {{Political Beliefs}}},
  author = {Taber, Charles S. and Lodge, Milton},
  date = {2006},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {50},
  number = {3},
  pages = {755--769},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00214.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00214.x},
  urldate = {2024-11-22},
  abstract = {We propose a model of motivated skepticism that helps explain when and why citizens are biased-information processors. Two experimental studies explore how citizens evaluate arguments about affirmative action and gun control, finding strong evidence of a prior attitude effect such that attitudinally congruent arguments are evaluated as stronger than attitudinally incongruent arguments. When reading pro and con arguments, participants (Ps) counterargue the contrary arguments and uncritically accept supporting arguments, evidence of a disconfirmation bias. We also find a confirmation bias—the seeking out of confirmatory evidence—when Ps are free to self-select the source of the arguments they read. Both the confirmation and disconfirmation biases lead to attitude polarization—the strengthening of t2 over t1 attitudes—especially among those with the strongest priors and highest levels of political sophistication. We conclude with a discussion of the normative implications of these findings for rational behavior in a democracy.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\UMNBEJAV\\Taber and Lodge - 2006 - Motivated Skepticism in the Evaluation of Politica.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\Z5IUKDD6\\j.1540-5907.2006.00214.html}
}

@article{taberMotivatedSkepticismEvaluation2006a,
  title = {Motivated {{Skepticism}} in the {{Evaluation}} of {{Political Beliefs}}},
  author = {Taber, Charles S. and Lodge, Milton},
  date = {2006},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {50},
  number = {3},
  pages = {755--769},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00214.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00214.x},
  urldate = {2025-11-20},
  abstract = {We propose a model of motivated skepticism that helps explain when and why citizens are biased-information processors. Two experimental studies explore how citizens evaluate arguments about affirmative action and gun control, finding strong evidence of a prior attitude effect such that attitudinally congruent arguments are evaluated as stronger than attitudinally incongruent arguments. When reading pro and con arguments, participants (Ps) counterargue the contrary arguments and uncritically accept supporting arguments, evidence of a disconfirmation bias. We also find a confirmation bias—the seeking out of confirmatory evidence—when Ps are free to self-select the source of the arguments they read. Both the confirmation and disconfirmation biases lead to attitude polarization—the strengthening of t2 over t1 attitudes—especially among those with the strongest priors and highest levels of political sophistication. We conclude with a discussion of the normative implications of these findings for rational behavior in a democracy.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\IV3DIKH4\\Taber and Lodge - 2006 - Motivated Skepticism in the Evaluation of Political Beliefs.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\UMPDHWTX\\j.1540-5907.2006.00214.html}
}

@incollection{tackettNeuroticism2017,
  title = {Neuroticism},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Tackett, Jennifer L. and Lahey, Benjamin B.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.14},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.14},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {This chapter provides a comprehensive review of the personality domain of Neuroticism. Neuroticism is not only one of the more salient higher-order personality domains across different trait models, it also includes great public health care significance. We begin by describing the domain, including its facets. We then consider genetic and environmental influences for its development. We also consider developmental considerations, including evidence for stability and change across the lifespan. We then turn to the importance of Neuroticism for predicting consequential outcomes in several relevant domains of functioning: psychopathology, physical health, and quality of life. We then summarize and end with suggestions for future directions in research and public health care application.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\WINBN6RS\\Tackett and Lahey - 2017 - Neuroticism.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\8TQNRVAP\\211680581.html}
}

@article{tajfelSocialIdentityIntergroup1974,
  title = {Social Identity and Intergroup Behaviour},
  author = {Tajfel, Henri},
  date = {1974-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Information},
  volume = {13},
  number = {2},
  pages = {65--93},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {0539-0184},
  doi = {10.1177/053901847401300204},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/053901847401300204},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8R8T8B8X\Tajfel - 1974 - Social identity and intergroup behaviour.pdf}
}

@article{tappinRethinkingLinkCognitive2021,
  title = {Rethinking the Link between Cognitive Sophistication and Politically Motivated Reasoning},
  author = {Tappin, Ben M. and Pennycook, Gordon and Rand, David G.},
  date = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Experimental Psychology: General},
  volume = {150},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1095--1114},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-2222},
  doi = {10.1037/xge0000974},
  abstract = {Partisan disagreement over policy-relevant facts is a salient feature of contemporary American politics. Perhaps surprisingly, such disagreements are often the greatest among opposing partisans who are the most cognitively sophisticated. A prominent hypothesis for this phenomenon is that cognitive sophistication magnifies politically motivated reasoning—commonly defined as reasoning driven by the motivation to reach conclusions congenial to one’s political group identity. Numerous experimental studies report evidence in favor of this hypothesis. However, in the designs of such studies, political group identity is often confounded with prior factual beliefs about the issue in question; and, crucially, reasoning can be affected by such beliefs in the absence of any political group motivation. This renders much existing evidence for the hypothesis ambiguous. To shed new light on this issue, we conducted three studies in which we statistically controlled for people’s prior factual beliefs—attempting to isolate a direct effect of political group identity—when estimating the association between their cognitive sophistication, political group identity, and reasoning in the paradigmatic study design used in the literature. We observed a robust direct effect of political group identity on reasoning but found no evidence that cognitive sophistication magnified this effect. In contrast, we found fairly consistent evidence that cognitive sophistication magnified a direct effect of prior factual beliefs on reasoning. Our results suggest that there is currently a lack of clear empirical evidence that cognitive sophistication magnifies politically motivated reasoning as commonly understood and emphasize the conceptual and empirical challenges that confront tests of this hypothesis. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Cognitive Processes,Group Identity,Motivation,Political Attitudes,Reasoning},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\SIIFQZH3\\Tappin et al. - 2021 - Rethinking the link between cognitive sophisticati.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\TN9G5UJ9\\2020-80808-001.html}
}

@article{teslerPrimingPredispositionsChanging2015,
  title = {Priming {{Predispositions}} and {{Changing Policy Positions}}: {{An Account}} of {{When Mass Opinion Is Primed}} or {{Changed}}},
  shorttitle = {Priming {{Predispositions}} and {{Changing Policy Positions}}},
  author = {Tesler, Michael},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {59},
  number = {4},
  pages = {806--824},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/ajps.12157},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ajps.12157},
  urldate = {2025-11-17},
  abstract = {Prior research provides limited insights into when political communications prime or change citizens’ underlying opinions. This article helps fill that void by putting forth an account of priming and opinion change. I argue that crystallized attitudes should often be primed by new information. An influx of attention to less crystallized preferences, however, should lead individuals to alter their underlying opinions in accordance with prior beliefs. Since predispositions acquired early in the life cycle—such as partisanship, religiosity, basic values, and group-based affect/antagonisms—are more crystallized than mass opinion about public policy, media and campaign content will tend to prime citizens’ predispositions and change their policy positions. Both my review of previous priming research and original analyses presented in this study from five new cases strongly support the crystallization-based account of when mass opinion is primed or changed. I conclude with a discussion of the article's potential political, methodological, and normative implications.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\MU7FSIBS\\Tesler - 2015 - Priming Predispositions and Changing Policy Positions An Account of When Mass Opinion Is Primed or.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\3HS93Y9Q\\ajps.html}
}

@article{tetlockValuePluralismModel1986,
  title = {A {{Value Pluralism Model}} of {{Ideological Reasoning}}},
  author = {Tetlock, Philip},
  date = {1986-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  volume = {50},
  pages = {819--827},
  doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.50.4.819},
  abstract = {Tested the value pluralism model, which asserts that people are likely to think about an issue domain in integratively complex ways to the degree that issue domain activates conflicting values that people perceive as (a) important and (b) approximately equally important. The relations between the value hierarchies endorsed by 145 undergraduates (measured by the Rokeach Value Survey) and the policy preferences they expressed on issues designed to activate conflicts between different pairs of basic social/political values (e.g., the question of whether one is willing to pay higher taxes to assist the poor activates a conflict between concern for personal prosperity and social equality). Regression analyses revealed that (a) policy preferences could be best predicted from knowledge of which of the conflicting values Ss deemed more important and (b) the integrative complexity of people's reasoning about policy issues could be best predicted from knowledge of the similarity of the importance rankings of the conflicting values, the mean importance ranking of the 2 conflicting values, and the interaction of these 2 terms. It is concluded that the value pluralism model provides a flexible theoretical framework for predicting Ideology Issue interactions in both the content and structure of policy reasoning. (43 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\Y8NHFAAG\Tetlock - 1986 - A Value Pluralism Model of Ideological Reasoning.pdf}
}

@article{thalerFakeNewsEffect2024,
  title = {The {{Fake News Effect}}: {{Experimentally Identifying Motivated Reasoning Using Trust}} in {{News}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Fake News Effect}}},
  author = {Thaler, Michael},
  date = {2024-05-01},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Journal: Microeconomics},
  shortjournal = {American Economic Journal: Microeconomics},
  volume = {16},
  number = {2},
  pages = {1--38},
  issn = {1945-7669, 1945-7685},
  doi = {10.1257/mic.20220146},
  url = {https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/10.1257/mic.20220146},
  urldate = {2025-09-18},
  abstract = {Motivated reasoning posits that people distort how they process information in the direction of beliefs they find attractive. This paper creates a novel experimental design to identify motivated reasoning from Bayesian updating when people have preconceived beliefs. It analyzes how subjects assess the veracity of information sources that tell them the median of their belief distribution is too high or too low. Bayesians infer nothing about the source veracity, but motivated beliefs are evoked. Evidence supports politically motivated reasoning about immigration, income mobility, crime, racial discrimination, gender, climate change, and gun laws. Motivated reasoning helps explain belief biases, polarization, and overconfidence. (JEL C91, D12, D72, D83, D91, L82)},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HNMJAENZ\Thaler - 2024 - The Fake News Effect Experimentally Identifying Motivated Reasoning Using Trust in News.pdf}
}

@article{tiemannConditionsProximityDirectional2022a,
  title = {Conditions of Proximity and Directional Voting: {{Voter}} Sophistication, Political Information, and Party Identification},
  shorttitle = {Conditions of Proximity and Directional Voting},
  author = {Tiemann, Guido},
  date = {2022-02},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {75},
  pages = {102436},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102436},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0261379421001475},
  urldate = {2024-11-06},
  abstract = {This paper contributes to the debate among supporters of the proximity and the directional models of vote choice. It provides a two-fold contribution: first, I utilize a series of critical tests which allow for a straightforward identification of proximity and directional voters and the aggregation of the respective shares at the party, election, and country levels. Secondly, I focus on the reasons which reinforce these alternative or complimentary models. In comparison to the standard proximity model, directional voters are less educated and less informed. They are also more likely to select opposition parties and favor actors with somewhat unclear ideological platforms. At the election level, directional voting is also driven by party system polarization.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\33DKGB7U\Tiemann - 2022 - Conditions of proximity and directional voting Vo.pdf}
}

@article{timberlakeWHOTHEYARE2015,
  title = {{{WHO}} "{{THEY}}" {{ARE MATTERS}}" {{Immigrant Stereotypes}} and {{Assessments}} of the {{Impact}} of {{Immigration}}},
  author = {Timberlake, Jeffrey M. and Howell, Junia and Grau, Amy Baumann and Williams, Rhys H.},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {The Sociological Quarterly},
  volume = {56},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {24581941},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {267--299},
  publisher = {[Taylor \& Francis, Ltd., Wiley, Midwest Sociological Society]},
  issn = {0038-0253},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/24581941},
  urldate = {2025-08-26},
  abstract = {We investigate the relationship between stereotypes of immigrants and assessments of the impact of immigration on U.S. society. Our analysis exploits a split-ballot survey of registered voters in Ohio, who were asked to evaluate both the characteristics of one of four randomly assigned immigrant groups and perceived impacts of immigration. We find that associations between impact assessments and stereotypes of Middle Eastern, Asian, and European immigrants are weak and fully attenuated by control covariates. By contrast, this relationship for Latin American immigrants is strong and robust to controls, particularly in the areas of unemployment, schools, and crime. Our findings suggest that public views of the impacts of immigration are strongly connected to beliefs about the traits of Latin American immigrants in particular.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8E5MTX3G\Timberlake et al. - 2015 - WHO THEY ARE MATTERS Immigrant Stereotypes and Assessments of the Impact of Immigration.pdf}
}

@article{tonerFeelingSuperiorBipartisan2013,
  title = {Feeling {{Superior Is}} a {{Bipartisan Issue}}: {{Extremity}} ({{Not Direction}}) of {{Political Views Predicts Perceived Belief Superiority}}},
  shorttitle = {Feeling {{Superior Is}} a {{Bipartisan Issue}}},
  author = {Toner, Kaitlin and Leary, Mark R. and Asher, Michael W. and Jongman-Sereno, Katrina P.},
  date = {2013-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Psychol Sci},
  volume = {24},
  number = {12},
  pages = {2454--2462},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0956-7976},
  doi = {10.1177/0956797613494848},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797613494848},
  urldate = {2024-09-27},
  abstract = {Accusations of entrenched political partisanship have been launched against both conservatives and liberals. But is feeling superior about one’s beliefs a partisan issue? Two competing hypotheses exist: the rigidity-of-the-right hypothesis (i.e., conservatives are dogmatic) and the ideological-extremism hypothesis (i.e., extreme views on both sides predict dogmatism). We measured 527 Americans’ attitudes about nine contentious political issues, the degree to which they thought their beliefs were superior to other people’s, and their level of dogmatism. Dogmatism was higher for people endorsing conservative views than for people endorsing liberal views, which replicates the rigidity-of-the-right hypothesis. However, curvilinear effects of ideological attitude on belief superiority (i.e., belief that one’s position is more correct than another’s) supported the ideological-extremism hypothesis. Furthermore, responses reflecting the greatest belief superiority were obtained on conservative attitudes for three issues and liberal attitudes for another three issues. These findings capture nuances in the relationship between political beliefs and attitude entrenchment that have not been revealed previously.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\EAVPVQ9B\Toner et al. - 2013 - Feeling Superior Is a Bipartisan Issue Extremity .pdf}
}

@article{torcalDecidingUnknownEffect2018,
  title = {Deciding about the Unknown: {{The}} Effect of Party and Ideological Cues on Forming Opinions about the {{European Union}}},
  shorttitle = {Deciding about the Unknown},
  author = {Torcal, Mariano and Martini, Sergio and Orriols, Lluis},
  date = {2018-09-01},
  journaltitle = {European Union Politics},
  volume = {19},
  number = {3},
  pages = {502--523},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications},
  issn = {1465-1165},
  doi = {10.1177/1465116518769754},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1465116518769754},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  abstract = {This article contributes to the literature on political heuristics by reporting two survey experiments conducted in Spain in 2014–2015 on party and ideology cues regarding preferences on a range of European Union and domestic issues in European and general elections. The findings reveal that party cues increase voters’ competence to take positions on European Union issues more than ideological ones. Cues increase competence in a similar fashion regardless of the nature of the topic, although the effect of cues that parties provide on European Union issues seems to be stronger than that of cues on domestic policies. Party cueing effects are also consistent across different electoral arenas (national vs. European), and for all types of parties regardless of their age or positions toward the European Union integration process.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GUK66Y8T\Torcal et al. - 2018 - Deciding about the unknown The effect of party an.pdf}
}

@article{torcalIdeologicalExtremismPerceived2022,
  title = {Ideological Extremism, Perceived Party System Polarization, and Support for Democracy},
  author = {Torcal, Mariano and Magalhães, Pedro C.},
  date = {2022-05},
  journaltitle = {European Political Science Review},
  volume = {14},
  number = {2},
  pages = {188--205},
  issn = {1755-7739, 1755-7747},
  doi = {10.1017/S1755773922000066},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/ideological-extremism-perceived-party-system-polarization-and-support-for-democracy/D248B8254D93BE2D6632133D79E2CB3B},
  urldate = {2024-08-20},
  abstract = {Does ideological polarization undermine or strengthen people’s principled support for democracy? In this study, we suggest that different manifestations of ideological polarization have different implications in this respect. Using data from 11 surveys conducted with representative samples of the adult populations of a group of liberal democratic countries, part of the Comparative National Elections Project, we look at how people’s level of ideological extremism and their perceptions of ideological polarization in their countries’ party systems are related with their support for democracy. We show that citizens who hold more extreme ideological positions are indeed less supportive of democracy and that such a negative relationship is strengthened as citizens’ extremism increases. However, we also show that the citizens who display higher levels of principled support for democracy are those who perceive parties to be neither too distant nor too close to each other in ideological terms. In other words, while a very polarized partisan supply seems to undermine popular commitment with democracy, very low polarization may have similar consequences.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {democratic support,ideological extremism,ideological polarization},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\YDU7827H\Torcal and Magalhães - 2022 - Ideological extremism, perceived party system pola.pdf}
}

@article{tromborgCandidatesVotersVoting2023,
  title = {Candidates, Voters, and Voting Advice Applications},
  author = {Tromborg, Mathias Wessel and Albertsen, Andreas},
  date = {2023-11},
  journaltitle = {European Political Science Review},
  volume = {15},
  number = {4},
  pages = {582--599},
  issn = {1755-7739, 1755-7747},
  doi = {10.1017/S1755773923000103},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/candidates-voters-and-voting-advice-applications/B4BBA53D4C023855DCA885A5B6F9E135},
  urldate = {2025-10-16},
  abstract = {Voters often face a complex information environment with many options when they vote in elections. Research on democratic representation has traditionally been skeptical about voters’ ability to navigate this complexity. However, voting advice applications (VAAs) offer voters a shortcut to compare their own preferences across numerous issues with those of a large number of political candidates. As VAAs become more prevalent, it is critical to understand whether and how voters use them when they vote. We analyze how VAA users process and use VAA information about their district candidates with original survey data from the 2019 Danish parliamentary election in collaboration with the administrators of one of the most widely used Danish VAAs. The results demonstrate that VAAs have substantively large effects on their users’ choices between parties and between candidates within parties.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {ecologically rational heuristics,elections,vote choice,voting,voting advice applications},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\9D3V7XV6\Tromborg and Albertsen - 2023 - Candidates, voters, and voting advice applications.pdf}
}

@article{tsukamotoPerceivedThreatNational2018,
  title = {Perceived Threat to National Values in Evaluating Stereotyped Immigrants},
  author = {Tsukamoto, Saori and Fiske, Susan T.},
  date = {2018-03-04},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Social Psychology},
  volume = {158},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {28398173},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {157--172},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0022-4545},
  doi = {10.1080/00224545.2017.1317231},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00224545.2017.1317231},
  urldate = {2025-09-01},
  abstract = {The present research examined the psychological reasons behind Americans’ (un)willingness to accept immigrants. Participants read a scenario depicting immigrant groups allegedly expected to arrive in the United States and evaluated how much the immigrants would influence two types of American national values: civic values (e.g., political ideology) and ethnic values (e.g., shared culture and customs). Across three studies, competitive immigrant groups were stereotyped to be untrustworthy and perceived to threaten American civic values, but not ethnic values. Value threat then mediated the predicted competition–prejudice relationship in Study 3. Perceived vulnerability of in-group boundary might specify one motivated cause of derogating immigrants.},
  keywords = {Group perception,prejudice,psychological essentialism,stereotype},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6PCJHQDW\Tsukamoto and Fiske - 2018 - Perceived threat to national values in evaluating stereotyped immigrants.pdf}
}

@article{turkheimerThreeLawsBehavior2000,
  title = {Three {{Laws}} of {{Behavior Genetics}} and {{What They Mean}}},
  author = {Turkheimer, Eric},
  date = {2000},
  issn = {1467-8721},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8721.00084},
  urldate = {2025-03-10},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\6SGAXQXI\1467-8721.html}
}

@article{turleyMultitraitAnalysisGenomewide2018,
  title = {Multi-Trait Analysis of Genome-Wide Association Summary Statistics Using {{MTAG}}},
  author = {Turley, Patrick and Walters, Raymond K. and Maghzian, Omeed and Okbay, Aysu and Lee, James J. and Fontana, Mark Alan and Nguyen-Viet, Tuan Anh and Wedow, Robbee and Zacher, Meghan and Furlotte, Nicholas A. and Magnusson, Patrik and Oskarsson, Sven and Johannesson, Magnus and Visscher, Peter M. and Laibson, David and Cesarini, David and Neale, Benjamin M. and Benjamin, Daniel J.},
  date = {2018-02},
  journaltitle = {Nature Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Nat Genet},
  volume = {50},
  number = {2},
  pages = {229--237},
  publisher = {Nature Publishing Group},
  issn = {1546-1718},
  doi = {10.1038/s41588-017-0009-4},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41588-017-0009-4},
  urldate = {2025-08-22},
  abstract = {We introduce multi-trait analysis of GWAS (MTAG), a method for joint analysis of summary statistics from genome-wide association studies (GWAS) of different traits, possibly from overlapping samples. We apply MTAG to summary statistics for depressive symptoms (Neff\,=\,354,862), neuroticism (N\,=\,168,105), and subjective well-being (N\,=\,388,538). As compared to the 32, 9, and 13 genome-wide significant loci identified in the single-trait GWAS (most of which are themselves novel), MTAG increases the number of associated loci to 64, 37, and 49, respectively. Moreover, association statistics from MTAG yield more informative bioinformatics analyses and increase the variance explained by polygenic scores by approximately 25\%, matching theoretical expectations.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Genome-wide association studies,Genomics,Neuroscience},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\72HFTCCI\Turley et al. - 2018 - Multi-trait analysis of genome-wide association summary statistics using MTAG.pdf}
}

@article{ubaExplainingYouthRadicalism2022,
  title = {Explaining Youth Radicalism as a Positioning of the Self at Opposite Extremes},
  author = {Uba, Katrin and Bosi, Lorenzo},
  date = {2022-02-01},
  journaltitle = {Politics},
  volume = {42},
  number = {1},
  pages = {128--145},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
  issn = {0263-3957},
  doi = {10.1177/0263395721990539},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0263395721990539},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  abstract = {The concept of ‘young radicals’ is gaining ground in a context of generalized discontent – often, this is due to the fact that young people engage increasingly in unconventional forms of political activism. Much less is known about young people holding radical political attitudes. This article advances our understanding of those young people who place themselves on the extremes of the ideological scale and investigates how those with radical right attitudes differ from those with radical left ones. Drawing on a survey that gathers data from nine European countries, with a sample of young people aged 18–35, we test those factors that have been used to explain why people use violent repertoires of action: social background, gender, political values, and prior experience in protest activism. The results relate ‘radicalness’ to experienced economic difficulties and the more contentious political activism. The difference between the young ‘radicals’ in right and left are, however, defined by gender and adherence to authoritarian values.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WNV76TU2\Uba and Bosi - 2022 - Explaining youth radicalism as a positioning of th.pdf}
}

@article{uffelmannGenomewideAssociationStudies2021,
  title = {Genome-Wide Association Studies},
  author = {Uffelmann, Emil and Huang, Qin Qin and Munung, Nchangwi Syntia and De Vries, Jantina and Okada, Yukinori and Martin, Alicia R. and Martin, Hilary C. and Lappalainen, Tuuli and Posthuma, Danielle},
  date = {2021-08-26},
  journaltitle = {Nature Reviews Methods Primers},
  shortjournal = {Nat Rev Methods Primers},
  volume = {1},
  number = {1},
  pages = {59},
  issn = {2662-8449},
  doi = {10.1038/s43586-021-00056-9},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s43586-021-00056-9},
  urldate = {2024-04-25},
  abstract = {Genome-w ide association studies (GWAS) test hundreds of thousands of genetic variants across many genomes to find those statistically associated with a specific trait or disease. This methodology has generated a myriad of robust associations for a range of traits and diseases, and the number of associated variants is expected to grow steadily as GWAS sample sizes increase. GWAS results have a range of applications, such as gaining insight into a phenotype’s underlying biology, estimating its heritability, calculating genetic correlations, making clinical risk predictions, informing drug development programmes and inferring potential causal relationships between risk factors and health outcomes. In this Primer, we provide the reader with an introduction to GWAS, explaining their statistical basis and how they are conducted, describe state-of-t he art approaches and discuss limitations and challenges, concluding with an overview of the current and future applications for GWAS results.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\IXE4VA5K\Uffelmann et al. - 2021 - Genome-wide association studies.pdf}
}

@article{uffelmannGenomewideAssociationStudies2021a,
  title = {Genome-Wide Association Studies},
  author = {Uffelmann, Emil and Huang, Qin Qin and Munung, Nchangwi Syntia and De Vries, Jantina and Okada, Yukinori and Martin, Alicia R. and Martin, Hilary C. and Lappalainen, Tuuli and Posthuma, Danielle},
  date = {2021-08-26},
  journaltitle = {Nature Reviews Methods Primers},
  shortjournal = {Nat Rev Methods Primers},
  volume = {1},
  number = {1},
  pages = {59},
  issn = {2662-8449},
  doi = {10.1038/s43586-021-00056-9},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s43586-021-00056-9},
  urldate = {2024-08-30},
  abstract = {Genome-w ide association studies (GWAS) test hundreds of thousands of genetic variants across many genomes to find those statistically associated with a specific trait or disease. This methodology has generated a myriad of robust associations for a range of traits and diseases, and the number of associated variants is expected to grow steadily as GWAS sample sizes increase. GWAS results have a range of applications, such as gaining insight into a phenotype’s underlying biology, estimating its heritability, calculating genetic correlations, making clinical risk predictions, informing drug development programmes and inferring potential causal relationships between risk factors and health outcomes. In this Primer, we provide the reader with an introduction to GWAS, explaining their statistical basis and how they are conducted, describe state-of-t he art approaches and discuss limitations and challenges, concluding with an overview of the current and future applications for GWAS results.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\I56FMTFY\Uffelmann et al. - 2021 - Genome-wide association studies.pdf}
}

@online{UseStereotypesIndividuating,
  title = {The {{Use}} of {{Stereotypes}} and {{Individuating Information}} in {{Political Person Perception}}},
  doi = {10.1177/0146167211399473},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/0146167211399473},
  urldate = {2025-10-11},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\4RTGAIBP\\The Use of Stereotypes and Individuating Information in Political Person Perception.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\84T9A7SB\\0146167211399473.html}
}

@article{vanbavelPartisanBrainIdentityBased2018,
  title = {The {{Partisan Brain}}: {{An Identity-Based Model}} of {{Political Belief}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Partisan Brain}}},
  author = {Van Bavel, Jay J. and Pereira, Andrea},
  date = {2018-03},
  journaltitle = {Trends in Cognitive Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Trends in Cognitive Sciences},
  volume = {22},
  number = {3},
  pages = {213--224},
  issn = {13646613},
  doi = {10.1016/j.tics.2018.01.004},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S1364661318300172},
  urldate = {2024-03-25},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\SV4QEYVB\Van Bavel and Pereira - 2018 - The Partisan Brain An Identity-Based Model of Pol.pdf}
}

@inbook{vandereijkLeftRightOrientations2005,
  title = {7 {{Left}}–{{Right Orientations}} and {{Party Choice}}},
  booktitle = {The {{European Voter}}},
  author = {Van Der Eijk, Cees and Schmitt, Hermann and Binder, Tanja},
  date = {2005-07-28},
  edition = {1},
  pages = {167--191},
  publisher = {Oxford University PressOxford},
  doi = {10.1093/0199273219.003.0007},
  url = {https://academic.oup.com/book/36382/chapter/319964486},
  urldate = {2024-09-05},
  abstract = {Abstract             Just like in the case of value orientations, one might expect a gradual decrease of the power of left-right orientations to explain party choice. However, no such monotonic decline can be observed. Voters’ left/right positions still are strongly related to party choice, but the strength of this association varies between countries and over time, without any particular kind of clearly discernable trend. The over-time variation in this association is strongly correlated with the degree of party polarization on the left/right continuum.},
  bookauthor = {Thomassen, Jacques},
  isbn = {978-0-19-927321-8 978-0-19-160296-2},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\V49FII5X\Van Der Eijk et al. - 2005 - 7 Left–Right Orientations and Party Choice.pdf}
}

@article{vandijkOpinionIncongruencePublic2024,
  title = {Opinion Incongruence and Public Support for Direct Decision-Making},
  author = {Van Dijk, Lisa and Vanbroekhoven, Wouter and Marien, Sofie},
  date = {2024},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {63},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1308--1327},
  issn = {1475-6765},
  doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12653},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1475-6765.12653},
  urldate = {2024-11-19},
  abstract = {Political representation does not function well for citizens whose positions on political issues differ from those of elected representatives. In this paper, we argue that opinion incongruence leads citizens to want to bypass elected representatives and place more decision-making power in the hands of the public. We theorise that this is because incongruent citizens are highly dissatisfied with the existing political system and/or think they will benefit from direct decision-making in terms of improved policy responsiveness. Using data from the 2019 Belgian Election Survey (n = 3413) and Party Leadership Survey, we find that greater incongruence between citizens’ positions and those of their elected representatives is related to higher support for direct decision-making. This holds for opinion incongruence with the party voted for and incongruence with Parliament as a whole. This paper contributes novel insights into the consequences of the quality of political representation as well as the drivers of citizens’ support for direct decision-making processes.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {congruence,direct decision-making,referendums,representation},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\PZGU642U\\Van Dijk et al. - 2024 - Opinion incongruence and public support for direct.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\EUIT8LY8\\1475-6765.html}
}

@article{vanhielMeasurementCognitiveComplexity2003,
  title = {The {{Measurement}} of {{Cognitive Complexity}} and {{Its Relationship With Political Extremism}}},
  author = {Van Hiel, Alain and Mervielde, Ivan},
  date = {2003},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {24},
  number = {4},
  pages = {781--801},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1046/j.1467-9221.2003.00354.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1046/j.1467-9221.2003.00354.x},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  abstract = {Three studies tested the relationship between political extremism and cognitive complexity in an adult sample (N = 135), a sample of students (N = 145), and a sample of political party members (N = 47). According to value pluralism theory, advocates of extreme ideologies exhibit low levels of cognitive complexity. Context theory, in contrast, states that extremists think in a more complex and sophisticated way about politics. In accordance with context theory, significant positive correlations between cognitive complexity and extremist ideology were found in all samples. The results of these studies also revealed weak correlations among the cognitive complexity instruments used in previous research. Problems concerning the measurement of cognitive style and cognitive complexity are discussed.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {authoritarianism,cognitive complexity,context theory,political beliefs,rigidity,value pluralism model},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GN34G9AA\j.1467-9221.2003.00354.html}
}

@article{vanhielMeasurementCognitiveComplexity2003a,
  title = {The {{Measurement}} of {{Cognitive Complexity}} and {{Its Relationship With Political Extremism}}},
  author = {Van Hiel, Alain and Mervielde, Ivan},
  date = {2003-12},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {24},
  number = {4},
  pages = {781--801},
  issn = {0162-895X, 1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1046/j.1467-9221.2003.00354.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1046/j.1467-9221.2003.00354.x},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  abstract = {Three studies tested the relationship between political extremism and cognitive complexity in an adult sample (N = 135), a sample of students (N = 145), and a sample of political party members (N = 47). According to value pluralism theory, advocates of extreme ideologies exhibit low levels of cognitive complexity. Context theory, in contrast, states that extremists think in a more complex and sophisticated way about politics. In accordance with context theory, significant positive correlations between cognitive complexity and extremist ideology were found in all samples. The results of these studies also revealed weak correlations among the cognitive complexity instruments used in previous research. Problems concerning the measurement of cognitive style and cognitive complexity are discussed.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DVJ3ZXW9\Van Hiel and Mervielde - 2003 - The Measurement of Cognitive Complexity and Its Re.pdf}
}

@article{vanhielRelationshipSocialCulturalAttitudes2010,
  title = {The {{Relationship Between Social-Cultural Attitudes}} and {{Behavioral Measures}} of {{Cognitive Style}}: {{A Meta-Analytic Integration}} of {{Studies}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Relationship Between Social-Cultural Attitudes}} and {{Behavioral Measures}} of {{Cognitive Style}}},
  author = {Van Hiel, Alain and Onraet, Emma and De Pauw, Sarah},
  date = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality},
  volume = {78},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1765--1800},
  issn = {1467-6494},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-6494.2010.00669.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-6494.2010.00669.x},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  abstract = {The present meta-analysis investigates the relationship between social-cultural right-wing attitudes and objective measures of cognitive style on a set of 124 unique samples, with a total of 29,209 participants. Intolerance of ambiguity and cognitive ability yielded relationships of moderate strength with right-wing attitudes, whereas only mixed evidence was obtained for rigidity, complexity, and field dependence. In the discussion, we compare the present weak to moderate relationships with a meta-analysis conducted by Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, and Sulloway (2003b), included predominantly self-report measures of cognitive style, reporting moderate to strong relationships between conservatism. The need to study cognitive ability as a basis of ideological attitudes is also discussed.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\S5IAL9SI\\Van Hiel et al. - 2010 - The Relationship Between Social-Cultural Attitudes.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\ZLXTIFC5\\j.1467-6494.2010.00669.html}
}

@article{vanhouwelingenPoliticalParticipationMunicipal2017,
  title = {Political Participation and Municipal Population Size: {{A}} Meta-Study},
  shorttitle = {Political Participation and Municipal Population Size},
  author = {family=Houwelingen, given=Pepijn, prefix=van, useprefix=true},
  date = {2017-05-04},
  journaltitle = {Local Government Studies},
  volume = {43},
  number = {3},
  pages = {408--428},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0300-3930},
  doi = {10.1080/03003930.2017.1300147},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2017.1300147},
  urldate = {2024-12-16},
  abstract = {Do municipal amalgamations enforce or do they weaken (local) political participation? This is an important question considering a worldwide tendency for municipalities to merge. This question will be answered using a mixed-method approach based on a literature overview (meta-study) in general and additional quantitative (turnout figures, election studies) and qualitative (interviews) data regarding the situation in The Netherlands in particular. Political participation is consistently measured using indicators that measure behaviour (especially turnout figures) instead of perceptions and opinions such as trust or internal and external political efficacy. Local political participation seems to decrease with an increase in municipal population size.},
  keywords = {amalgamations,local government,municipal population size,Political participation,The Netherlands},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\94UPVGK6\van Houwelingen - 2017 - Political participation and municipal population s.pdf}
}

@article{vanprooijenComparisonExtremeReligious2020,
  title = {A Comparison of Extreme Religious and Political Ideologies: {{Similar}} Worldviews but Different Grievances},
  shorttitle = {A Comparison of Extreme Religious and Political Ideologies},
  author = {Van Prooijen, Jan-Willem and Kuijper, Sophia M.H.C.},
  date = {2020-06},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  shortjournal = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  volume = {159},
  pages = {109888},
  issn = {01918869},
  doi = {10.1016/j.paid.2020.109888},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0191886920300775},
  urldate = {2024-04-02},
  abstract = {People can polarize into various ideologies, including tendencies towards political left- and right-wing extremism, and religious fundamentalism. Here we compare polarization in these different ideologies in a US online sample (N = 424). Building on significance quest theory, we specifically investigate how individual tendencies towards political extremism and religious fundamentalism are associated with grievance and worldview variables within the same study. As grievance variables we measured personal and fraternal deprivation, and socio-economic fear. As worldview variables we measured belief significance, dogmatic intolerance, and parochial altruism. Results revealed that political extremism and religious fundamentalism were similarly associated with the worldview variables but not with the grievance variables. We conclude that independent of content, ideological polarization is associated with a common worldview characterized by the feeling that one supports a meaningful cause, intolerance of alternative ideologies, and a willingness to make personal sacrifices for one's ideals.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\IQW24BM6\Van Prooijen and Kuijper - 2020 - A comparison of extreme religious and political id.pdf}
}

@article{vanprooijenFearExtremesHow2015,
  title = {Fear {{Among}} the {{Extremes}}: {{How Political Ideology Predicts Negative Emotions}} and {{Outgroup Derogation}}},
  shorttitle = {Fear {{Among}} the {{Extremes}}},
  author = {family=Prooijen, given=Jan-Willem, prefix=van, useprefix=true and Krouwel, André P. M. and Boiten, Max and Eendebak, Lennart},
  date = {2015-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
  shortjournal = {Pers Soc Psychol Bull},
  volume = {41},
  number = {4},
  pages = {485--497},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0146-1672},
  doi = {10.1177/0146167215569706},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167215569706},
  urldate = {2024-09-27},
  abstract = {The “rigidity of the right” hypothesis predicts that particularly the political right experiences fear and derogates outgroups. We propose that above and beyond that, the political extremes (at both sides of the spectrum) are more likely to display these responses than political moderates. Results of a large-scale sample reveal the predicted quadratic term on socio-economic fear. Moreover, although the political right is more likely to derogate the specific category of immigrants, we find a quadratic effect on derogation of a broad range of societal categories. Both extremes also experience stronger negative emotions about politics than politically moderate respondents. Finally, the quadratic effects on derogation of societal groups and negative political emotions were mediated by socio-economic fear, particularly among left- and right-wing extremists. It is concluded that negative emotions and outgroup derogation flourish among the extremes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WD6TJB23\van Prooijen et al. - 2015 - Fear Among the Extremes How Political Ideology Pr.pdf}
}

@article{vanprooijenPsychologicalFeaturesExtreme2019,
  title = {Psychological {{Features}} of {{Extreme Political Ideologies}}},
  author = {Van Prooijen, Jan-Willem and Krouwel, André P. M.},
  date = {2019-04},
  journaltitle = {Current Directions in Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Curr Dir Psychol Sci},
  volume = {28},
  number = {2},
  pages = {159--163},
  issn = {0963-7214, 1467-8721},
  doi = {10.1177/0963721418817755},
  url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0963721418817755},
  urldate = {2024-04-02},
  abstract = {In this article, we examine psychological features of extreme political ideologies. In what ways are political left- and right-wing extremists similar to one another and different from moderates? We propose and review four interrelated propositions that explain adherence to extreme political ideologies from a psychological perspective. We argue that (a) psychological distress stimulates adopting an extreme ideological outlook; (b) extreme ideologies are characterized by a relatively simplistic, black-and-white perception of the social world; (c) because of such mental simplicity, political extremists are overconfident in their judgments; and (d) political extremists are less tolerant of different groups and opinions than political moderates. In closing, we discuss how these psychological features of political extremists increase the likelihood of conflict among groups in society.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\QHWCUMH3\Van Prooijen and Krouwel - 2019 - Psychological Features of Extreme Political Ideolo.pdf}
}

@article{velascogonzalezPrejudiceMuslimsNetherlands2008,
  title = {Prejudice towards {{Muslims}} in {{The Netherlands}}: {{Testing}} Integrated Threat Theory},
  shorttitle = {Prejudice towards {{Muslims}} in {{The Netherlands}}},
  author = {Velasco González, Karina and Verkuyten, Maykel and Weesie, Jeroen and Poppe, Edwin},
  date = {2008},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Social Psychology},
  volume = {47},
  number = {4},
  pages = {667--685},
  issn = {2044-8309},
  doi = {10.1348/014466608X284443},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1348/014466608X284443},
  urldate = {2025-08-26},
  abstract = {This study uses integrated threat theory to examine Dutch adolescents’ (N =1,187) prejudice towards Muslim minorities. One out of two participants was found to have negative feelings towards Muslims. Perceived symbolic and realistic threat and negative stereotypes were examined as mediators between antecedent factors (in-group identification, intergroup contact, and the endorsement of multiculturalism) and prejudice. Based on structural equation modelling, it was found that stereotypes and symbolic threats, but not realistic threats, predicted prejudice towards Muslims. Further, it was found that the effect of in-group identification on prejudice was fully mediated by symbolic threat, the effect of contact was partially mediated by stereotypes, and the effect of the endorsement of multiculturalism was mediated by both symbolic threat and stereotypes. In addition, contact and multiculturalism were directly associated with prejudice towards Muslims. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\ETEBFTNV\\Velasco González et al. - 2008 - Prejudice towards Muslims in The Netherlands Testing integrated threat theory.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\IPR9XFVV\\014466608X284443.html}
}

@article{verhulstNatureRelationshipPersonality2010,
  title = {The Nature of the Relationship between Personality Traits and Political Attitudes},
  author = {Verhulst, Brad and Hatemi, Peter K. and Martin, Nicholas G.},
  date = {2010-09},
  journaltitle = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  shortjournal = {Personality and Individual Differences},
  volume = {49},
  number = {4},
  pages = {306--316},
  issn = {01918869},
  doi = {10.1016/j.paid.2009.11.013},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0191886909004760},
  urldate = {2024-03-11},
  abstract = {Building upon a series of works by Thomas J. Bouchard, Lindon J. Eaves, Hans J. Eysenck and other contemporaries, we present strong evidence that the assumed causal relationship between personality and left–right ideology is too simplistic. We suggest the relationship is not predictive and instead is better understood by dividing the overarching left–right ideological spectrum into more meaningful attitude dimensions. In doing so, we find that Psychoticism is strongly related to conservative positions on Punishment, Religious, and Sex attitudes, whereas Social Desirability is related to liberal positions on the same attitudes. Furthermore, the nature of the covariance between Psychoticism and social attitudes is due to a common genetic influence, while covariance between Social Desirability and these attitudes in females is largely a function of common shared environmental covariance.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\65X58KSI\Verhulst et al. - 2010 - The nature of the relationship between personality.pdf}
}

@incollection{visserExploringLatentStructure2006,
  title = {Exploring the {{Latent Structure}} of {{Strength}}‐related {{Attitude Attributes}}},
  booktitle = {Advances in {{Experimental Social Psychology}}},
  author = {Visser, Penny S. and Bizer, George Y. and Krosnick, Jon A.},
  date = {2006},
  volume = {38},
  pages = {1--67},
  publisher = {Academic Press},
  doi = {10.1016/S0065-2601(06)38001-X},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S006526010638001X},
  urldate = {2025-03-29},
  abstract = {Some attitudes are durable and impactful, whereas others are weak and inconsequential. Over the last few decades, researchers have identified roughly a dozen attributes of attitudes that differentiate the strong from the weak. However, considerable controversy remains regarding the relations among these attributes. Some scholars have suggested that the various strength‐related attributes reflect a small number of latent constructs, whereas others have suggested that each is a distinct construct in its own right. We review this ongoing controversy, and we then review a diverse set of recent studies that provide new evidence in support of the latter perspective. We consider the implications of our findings for the conceptualization of attitude strength and for the methods by which it is studied.Attitudes determine for each individual what he [or she] will see and hear, what he [or she] will think and what he [or she] will do …. They draw lines about, and segregate, an otherwise chaotic environment; they are our methods for finding our way about in an ambiguous universe. —Gordon W. Allport, 1935, p. 806},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\P4AIP9SR\\Visser et al. - 2006 - Exploring the Latent Structure of Strength‐related Attitude Attributes.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\HHY8D87S\\S006526010638001X.html}
}

@article{walczakRepresentationEuropeanParliament,
  title = {Representation in the {{European Parliament}}: {{Factors Affecting Attitude Congruence}} of {{Candidates}} and {{Voters}} in the {{EP Elections}}},
  author = {Walczak, Agnieszka},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3WRJZENX\Walczak - Representation in the European Parliament Factors.pdf}
}

@article{walczakRepresentationEuropeanParliament2013,
  title = {Representation in the {{European Parliament}}: {{Factors}} Affecting the Attitude Congruence of Voters and Candidates in the {{EP}} Elections},
  shorttitle = {Representation in the {{European Parliament}}},
  author = {Walczak, Agnieszka and family=Brug, given=Wouter, prefix=van der, useprefix=true},
  date = {2013-03-01},
  journaltitle = {European Union Politics},
  volume = {14},
  number = {1},
  pages = {3--22},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications},
  issn = {1465-1165},
  doi = {10.1177/1465116512456089},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1465116512456089},
  urldate = {2024-11-26},
  abstract = {This article examines the extent to which individual-, party- and system-level characteristics affect the attitude congruence of voters and candidates for elections to the European Parliament. It examines attitudes towards basic policy packages in the socioeconomic and libertarian/authoritarian issue domains and on immigration and European Union integration. The analysis is based on the 2009 European Election Study and European Election Candidate Survey, which covered 27 countries of the European Union (EU), 162 parties and over 11,500 respondents. It shows that the European Parliament suffers from inequalities in representation for different groups of citizens, representing much better the attitudes of educated, middle-class and politically knowledgeable voters. Furthermore, the analysis uncovers significant differences across political parties in how well they match up to voters. We provide tentative evidence suggesting that voters are better represented in open and ordered ballot systems.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{walgraveIdeologySalienceComplexity2013,
  title = {Ideology, {{Salience}}, and {{Complexity}}: {{Determinants}} of {{Policy Issue Incongruence}} between {{Voters}} and {{Parties}}},
  shorttitle = {Ideology, {{Salience}}, and {{Complexity}}},
  author = {Walgrave, Stefaan and Lefevere, Jonas},
  date = {2013-11-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  volume = {23},
  number = {4},
  pages = {456--483},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1745-7289},
  doi = {10.1080/17457289.2013.810630},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2013.810630},
  urldate = {2024-08-16},
  abstract = {How come voters and their parties agree or disagree on policy issues? We claim that voter–party mismatches are due to a lack of information of voters regarding parties' positions. Three mechanisms determine levels of information: ideology, salience, and complexity. We test these ideas drawing on a large sample of policy statements (50) presented to voters and party leaders prior to regional elections in Belgium. Contrary to existing studies, we include predictors on all three levels: issue, voter, and party level. We find support for our claim. Major ideological divides such as the left–right divide yield useful information to the voters about where parties stand. Salience also generates information for voters, or makes information more accessible for voters, which decreases the odds that they have a different stance than their party. Our measures of complexity yielded the expected results too. When the task of voting is made more difficult, voters succeed less in voting for a party that matches their preferences.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\MWQ5VWCJ\Walgrave and Lefevere - 2013 - Ideology, Salience, and Complexity Determinants o.pdf}
}

@article{walgraveIdeologySalienceComplexity2013a,
  title = {Ideology, {{Salience}}, and {{Complexity}}: {{Determinants}} of {{Policy Issue Incongruence}} between {{Voters}} and {{Parties}}},
  shorttitle = {Ideology, {{Salience}}, and {{Complexity}}},
  author = {Walgrave, Stefaan and Lefevere, Jonas},
  date = {2013-11-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  volume = {23},
  number = {4},
  pages = {456--483},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1745-7289},
  doi = {10.1080/17457289.2013.810630},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2013.810630},
  urldate = {2024-11-18},
  abstract = {How come voters and their parties agree or disagree on policy issues? We claim that voter–party mismatches are due to a lack of information of voters regarding parties' positions. Three mechanisms determine levels of information: ideology, salience, and complexity. We test these ideas drawing on a large sample of policy statements (50) presented to voters and party leaders prior to regional elections in Belgium. Contrary to existing studies, we include predictors on all three levels: issue, voter, and party level. We find support for our claim. Major ideological divides such as the left–right divide yield useful information to the voters about where parties stand. Salience also generates information for voters, or makes information more accessible for voters, which decreases the odds that they have a different stance than their party. Our measures of complexity yielded the expected results too. When the task of voting is made more difficult, voters succeed less in voting for a party that matches their preferences.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FCPWD8MT\Walgrave and Lefevere - 2013 - Ideology, Salience, and Complexity Determinants o.pdf}
}

@article{wangMiddleAlternativesMeasurement2020,
  title = {Middle Alternatives and Measurement Validity: A Recommendation for Survey Researchers},
  shorttitle = {Middle Alternatives and Measurement Validity},
  author = {Wang, Rui and Krosnick, Jon A.},
  date = {2020-03-03},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Social Research Methodology},
  volume = {23},
  number = {2},
  pages = {169--184},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1364-5579},
  doi = {10.1080/13645579.2019.1645384},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13645579.2019.1645384},
  urldate = {2025-03-11},
  abstract = {Questionnaires routinely measure unipolar and bipolar constructs using rating scales. Such rating scales can offer odd numbers of points, meaning that they have explicit middle alternatives, or they can offer even numbers of points, omitting the middle alternative. By examining four types of questions in six national or regional telephone surveys, this paper found that omitting the middle alternative and forcing respondents to pick a side compromised data quality, for questions presenting two conditions with middle option ‘about equally,’ and for quasi-bipolar questions with middle option ‘fair.’ In addition, omitting the middle alternative never helped improve data quality for a variety of unipolar questions. Lastly, there is a marginally significant improvement in terms of data quality for bipolar questions with middle option ‘neither good nor bad’ when offering a follow-up asking whether they lean one way or the other or whether they are genuinely in the middle.},
  keywords = {branching,measurement validity,Midpoint,questionnaire design,satisficing},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\IZLRCBDY\Wang and Krosnick - 2020 - Middle alternatives and measurement validity a recommendation for survey researchers.pdf}
}

@article{watanabeGlobalOverviewPleiotropy2019,
  title = {A Global Overview of Pleiotropy and Genetic Architecture in Complex Traits},
  author = {Watanabe, Kyoko and Stringer, Sven and Frei, Oleksandr and Umićević Mirkov, Maša and family=Leeuw, given=Christiaan, prefix=de, useprefix=true and Polderman, Tinca J. C. and family=Sluis, given=Sophie, prefix=van der, useprefix=true and Andreassen, Ole A. and Neale, Benjamin M. and Posthuma, Danielle},
  date = {2019-09},
  journaltitle = {Nature Genetics},
  shortjournal = {Nat Genet},
  volume = {51},
  number = {9},
  eprint = {31427789},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {1339--1348},
  issn = {1546-1718},
  doi = {10.1038/s41588-019-0481-0},
  abstract = {After a decade of genome-wide association studies (GWASs), fundamental questions in human genetics, such as the extent of pleiotropy across the genome and variation in genetic architecture across traits, are still unanswered. The current availability of hundreds of GWASs provides a unique opportunity to address these questions. We systematically analyzed 4,155 publicly available GWASs. For a subset of well-powered GWASs on 558 traits, we provide an extensive overview of pleiotropy and genetic architecture. We show that trait-associated loci cover more than half of the genome, and 90\% of these overlap with loci from multiple traits. We find that potential causal variants are enriched in coding and flanking regions, as well as in regulatory elements, and show variation in polygenicity and discoverability of traits. Our results provide insights into how genetic variation contributes to trait variation. All GWAS results can be queried and visualized at the GWAS ATLAS resource ( https://atlas.ctglab.nl ).},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Genetic Pleiotropy,Genetics Population,Genome-Wide Association Study,Humans,Multifactorial Inheritance,Phenotype,Polymorphism Single Nucleotide,Quantitative Trait Loci},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RIKZ668F\Watanabe et al. - 2019 - A global overview of pleiotropy and genetic archit.pdf}
}

@article{websterIdeologicalFoundationsAffective2017,
  title = {The {{Ideological Foundations}} of {{Affective Polarization}} in the {{U}}.{{S}}. {{Electorate}}},
  author = {Webster, Steven W. and Abramowitz, Alan I.},
  date = {2017-07-01},
  journaltitle = {American Politics Research},
  volume = {45},
  number = {4},
  pages = {621--647},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1532-673X},
  doi = {10.1177/1532673X17703132},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X17703132},
  urldate = {2025-11-12},
  abstract = {Democratic and Republican partisans dislike the opposing party and its leaders far more than in the past. However, recent studies have argued that the rise of affective polarization in the electorate does not reflect growing policy or ideological differences between supporters of the two parties. According to this view, though Democratic and Republican elites are sharply divided along ideological lines, differences between the policy preferences of rank-and-file partisans remain modest. In this article, we show that there is a close connection between ideological and affective polarization. We present evidence from American National Election Studies surveys that opinions on social welfare issues have become increasingly consistent and divided along party lines and that social welfare ideology is now strongly related to feelings about the opposing party and its leaders. In addition, we present results from a survey experiment showing that ideological distance strongly influences feelings toward opposing party candidates and the party as a whole.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HLXUU2CZ\Webster and Abramowitz - 2017 - The Ideological Foundations of Affective Polarization in the U.S. Electorate.pdf}
}

@article{websterIndividualDifferencesNeed1994,
  title = {Individual Differences in Need for Cognitive Closure},
  author = {Webster, Donna M. and Kruglanski, Arie W.},
  date = {1994},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
  volume = {67},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1049--1062},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-1315},
  doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.67.6.1049},
  abstract = {Introduces an individual-difference measure of the need for cognitive closure. As a dispositional construct, the need for cognitive closure is presently treated as a latent variable manifested through several different aspects, namely, desire for predictability, preference for order and structure, discomfort with ambiguity, decisiveness, and close-mindedness. This article presents psychometric work on the measure as well as several validation studies including (1) a "known-groups" discrimination between populations assumed to differ in their need for closure, (2) discriminant and convergent validation with respect to related personality measures, and (3) replication of effects obtained with situational inductions of the need for closure. The present findings suggest that the Need for Closure Scale is a reliable and valid instrument of considerable potential utility in future "motivated social cognition" research. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Cognitive Style,Individual Differences,Needs,Rating Scales,Test Construction,Test Validity}
}

@article{websterItPersonalBig2018,
  title = {It’s {{Personal}}: {{The Big Five Personality Traits}} and {{Negative Partisan Affect}} in {{Polarized U}}.{{S}}. {{Politics}}},
  shorttitle = {It’s {{Personal}}},
  author = {Webster, Steven W.},
  date = {2018-01},
  journaltitle = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  shortjournal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  volume = {62},
  number = {1},
  pages = {127--145},
  issn = {0002-7642, 1552-3381},
  doi = {10.1177/0002764218756925},
  url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0002764218756925},
  urldate = {2024-03-18},
  abstract = {One of the most important developments within the American electorate in recent years has been the rise of affective polarization. Whether this is due to notions of group-based conflict or ideological disagreement, Americans increasingly dislike the opposing political party and its supporters. I contribute to this growing literature on affective polarization by showing how differences in individuals’ Big Five personality traits are predictive of both whether an individual dislikes the opposing party and the degree to which they express this hostility. Modeling negative affect toward the opposing party as a two-stage process, I find that Extraverted individuals are less likely to have negative affective evaluations of the opposing party. Additionally, conditional on disliking the opposing party, my results indicate that higher levels of Agreeableness lowers the degree to which individuals dislike the out-party. Moreover, these relationships are substantively stronger than common sociodemographic predictors such as age, race, and educational attainment.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\JUGIHVAH\Webster - 2018 - It’s Personal The Big Five Personality Traits and.pdf}
}

@incollection{weissAnimalPersonality2017,
  title = {Animal {{Personality}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Weiss, Alexander and Gartner, Marieke},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.24},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.24},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {Animal personality has been studied for decades, and a recent renaissance in the field has revealed links to health and life outcomes that echo those found in humans. Some of this research is tied to the Five Factor Model—the predominant model of human personality—which informs animal personality research as well, and allows for comparative work that points to evolutionary pathways that delineate phylogenetic continuity. From personality facets and traits to factors, this work has implications for human and nonhuman animal genetics, life history strategies, survival, and well-being, as well as development and social relationships. Working together, scientists from a variety of fields who study personality can hope to puzzle out causality, use personality as a tool for health, and simply define personality, across species, and therefore evolutionary time.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\2P22PJYE\\Weiss and Gartner - 2017 - Animal Personality.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\N8LIQJR5\\211686049.html}
}

@article{wermeGenomewideGeneenvironmentInteractions2021,
  title = {Genome-Wide Gene-Environment Interactions in Neuroticism: An Exploratory Study across 25 Environments},
  shorttitle = {Genome-Wide Gene-Environment Interactions in Neuroticism},
  author = {Werme, Josefin and Van Der Sluis, Sophie and Posthuma, Danielle and De Leeuw, Christiaan A.},
  date = {2021-03-22},
  journaltitle = {Translational Psychiatry},
  shortjournal = {Transl Psychiatry},
  volume = {11},
  number = {1},
  pages = {180},
  issn = {2158-3188},
  doi = {10.1038/s41398-021-01288-9},
  url = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41398-021-01288-9},
  urldate = {2024-03-05},
  abstract = {Gene-environment interactions (GxE) are often suggested to play an important role in the aetiology of psychiatric phenotypes, yet so far, only a handful of genome-wide environment interaction studies (GWEIS) of psychiatric phenotypes have been conducted. Representing the most comprehensive effort of its kind to date, we used data from the UK Biobank to perform a series of GWEIS for neuroticism across 25 broadly conceptualised environmental risk factors (trauma, social support, drug use, physical health). We investigated interactions on the level of SNPs, genes, and gene-sets, and computed interaction-based polygenic risk scores (PRS) to predict neuroticism in an independent sample subset (N = 10,000). We found that the predictive ability of the interaction-based PRSs did not significantly improve beyond that of a traditional PRS based on SNP main effects from GWAS, but detected one variant and two gene-sets showing significant interaction signal after correction for the number of analysed environments. This study illustrates the possibilities and limitations of a comprehensive GWEIS in currently available sample sizes.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\CKPVDUCT\Werme et al. - 2021 - Genome-wide gene-environment interactions in neuro.pdf}
}

@article{wesselsMeaningfulChoicesPolitical2008a,
  title = {Meaningful Choices, Political Supply, and Institutional Effectiveness},
  author = {Wessels, Bernhard and Schmitt, Hermann},
  date = {2008-03},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {27},
  number = {1},
  pages = {19--30},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2007.11.010},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0261379407001060},
  urldate = {2024-12-05},
  abstract = {This article explores the degree to which the meaningfulness of electoral choices is a result of the political supply structure and the institutional setup of an electoral system. We argue that meaningful choices require both a differentiated choice set and effective elections. In testing this claim, we follow two strategies. First, we take the level of turnout as an indicator of the meaningfulness of electoral choices and determine the impact of political supply and institutional structures on it. Second, we explore whether and how political supply and institutional effectiveness affect the calculus of voting. We test a set of specific hypotheses by determining the relevance of different criteria for choosing a party with conditional models of macro-micro interactions. Empirical data come from the second wave of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES).},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\AG4P865F\Wessels and Schmitt - 2008 - Meaningful choices, political supply, and institut.pdf}
}

@article{westerwickConfirmationBiasesSelective2017,
  title = {Confirmation Biases in Selective Exposure to Political Online Information: {{Source}} Bias vs. Content Bias},
  shorttitle = {Confirmation Biases in Selective Exposure to Political Online Information},
  author = {Westerwick, Axel and Johnson, Benjamin K. and Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia},
  date = {2017-07-03},
  journaltitle = {Communication Monographs},
  volume = {84},
  number = {3},
  pages = {343--364},
  publisher = {NCA Website},
  issn = {0363-7751},
  doi = {10.1080/03637751.2016.1272761},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03637751.2016.1272761},
  urldate = {2025-02-03},
  abstract = {The present work examines the role of source vs. content cues for the confirmation bias, in which recipients spend more time with content aligning with preexisting attitudes. In addition to testing how both source and content cues facilitate this biased pattern of selective exposure, the study measures subsequent attitude polarization. An experiment (N = 120) presented messages with opposing political stances, associated with unbiased or slanted sources. Software tracked selective exposure in seconds, and attitudes were measured before, immediately after, and two days after message exposure. Further, information processing styles were assessed. The confirmation bias emerged regardless of source quality. Information processing styles moderated the confirmation bias as well as selective exposure to messages from unbiased vs. slanted sources. Selective exposure reinforced attitudes days later.},
  keywords = {attitudes,confirmation bias,online search,partisan media,polarization,political communication,Selective exposure,source cues},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2G8ECTDJ\Westerwick et al. - 2017 - Confirmation biases in selective exposure to political online information Source bias vs. content b.pdf}
}

@online{WhereYouLive,
  title = {Where {{You Live}} and {{Who You Know}}},
  doi = {10.1177/1532673X11408233},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/1532673X11408233},
  urldate = {2024-04-18},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\R7T5TFBM\1532673X11408233.html}
}

@online{WhiteAmericansGenetic,
  title = {White {{Americans}}' {{Genetic Lay Theories}} of {{Race Differences}} and {{Sexual Orientation}}: {{Their Relationship}} with {{Prejudice}} toward {{Blacks}}, and {{Gay Men}} and {{Lesbians}}},
  shorttitle = {White {{Americans}}' {{Genetic Lay Theories}} of {{Race Differences}} and {{Sexual Orientation}}},
  doi = {10.1177/1368430206059863},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epdf/10.1177/1368430206059863},
  urldate = {2025-06-11},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\R8SGMQY3\\White Americans' Genetic Lay Theories of Race Differences and Sexual Orientation Their Relationship.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\YPHLWRSN\\1368430206059863.html}
}

@incollection{widigerContributors2017,
  title = {Contributors},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\IWR48G3Y\\Widiger - 2017 - Contributors.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\WJNNUHEG\\211679809.html}
}

@incollection{widigerCopyrightPage2017,
  title = {Copyright {{Page}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.002.0003},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.002.0003},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\RF7KQKNI\\Widiger - 2017 - Copyright Page.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\VFDR97AD\\211679791.html}
}

@incollection{widigerEditor2017,
  title = {About the {{Editor}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.002.0009},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.002.0009},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\THXMWGGF\\Widiger - 2017 - About the Editor.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\33H4PXE5\\211679797.html}
}

@incollection{widigerFiveFactorDiscussion2017,
  title = {A {{Five Factor Discussion}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.8},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.8},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {The purpose of this chapter is to pay homage to and provide a discussion of each of the chapters included within this text. The first section of the book provided a description of the Five Factor Model (FFM), followed by a chapter devoted to each of the five domains. The second section concerned construct validity support for the FFM. The third and final section considered various social and clinical applications of the FFM, as well as issues and concerns with respect to these applications. Each of the chapters included within each section is discussed in turn.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\VHJW3DVN\\Widiger - 2017 - A Five Factor Discussion.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\AAN6Q6XF\\211690436.html}
}

@incollection{widigerFiveFactorModel2017,
  title = {Five {{Factor Model}} and {{Personality Disorder}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Widiger, Thomas A. and Gore, Whitney L. and Crego, Cristina and Rojas, Stephanie L. and Oltmanns, Joshua R.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.4},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.4},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {The purpose of this chapter is to provide an overview of the relationship of the Five Factor Model (FFM) to personality disorder. The FFM has traditionally been viewed as a dimensional model of normal personality structure. However, it should probably be viewed as a dimensional model of general personality structure, including maladaptive as well as adaptive personality traits. Discussed herein is the empirical support for the coverage of personality disorders within the FFM; the ability of the FFM to explain the convergence and divergence among personality disorder scales; the relationship of the FFM to the DSM-5 dimensional trait model; the empirical support for maladaptivity within both poles of each FFM domain (focusing in particular on agreeableness, conscientiousness, and openness); and the development of scales for the assessment of maladaptive variants of the FFM.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\ILPJ25KB\\Widiger et al. - 2017 - Five Factor Model and Personality Disorder.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\CUCUKY9N\\211688966.html}
}

@incollection{widigerIndex2017,
  title = {Index},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\UJ2D7C3G\\Widiger - 2017 - Index.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\I5GQ9S45\\211690950.html}
}

@incollection{widigerIntroduction2017,
  title = {Introduction},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.9},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.9},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {This book concerns the Five Factor Model (FFM) of general personality structure. It brings together much of the research literature on the FFM and demonstrates its potential applications across a wide range of disciplines and concerns. The book is organized into four sections: the first section explores the FFM and its domains, the second focuses on matters and issues concerning the construct validity of the FFM, the third discusses applications of the FFM to a variety of social and clinical issues, and the fourth summarizes the book’s interesting points and considers potential implications. Topics range from Neuroticism and Extraversion to Openness, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness. The book also considers the universality of the FFM, the factor analytic support, childhood temperament and personality, animal personality, behavior and molecular genetics, personality neuroscience, personality disorders, adult psychopathology, and child psychopathology.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\SQ9AYC4T\\Widiger - 2017 - Introduction.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\2FFQBTPC\\211679830.html}
}

@incollection{wiltExtraversion2017,
  title = {Extraversion},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Wilt, Joshua and Revelle, William},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.15},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.15},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {This chapter provides a review of extraversion, defined as a dimension of personality reflecting individual differences in the tendencies to experience and exhibit positive affect, assertive behavior, decisive thinking, and desires for social attention. Extraversion is one of five basic tendencies in the Five Factor Model (FFM) of personality. In the FFM, basic tendencies are conceptualized as including the following characteristics. They are organized hierarchically, based in biology, develop over time according to intrinsic maturation principles, are manifested in characteristic adaptations (i.e., are expressed in affective, behavioral, and cognitive tendencies), influence one’s objective biography, are reflected in the self-concept, and have both adaptive and maladaptive variants. This chapter is organized around the theory and research on extraversion relevant to each of the aforementioned characteristics.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\QRVQIJU5\\Wilt and Revelle - 2017 - Extraversion.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\H4AW85TY\\211681015.html}
}

@article{wlezienSaliencePoliticalIssues2005,
  title = {On the Salience of Political Issues: {{The}} Problem with ‘Most Important Problem’},
  shorttitle = {On the Salience of Political Issues},
  author = {Wlezien, Christopher},
  date = {2005-12-01},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {24},
  number = {4},
  pages = {555--579},
  issn = {0261-3794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2005.01.009},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S026137940500020X},
  urldate = {2024-11-22},
  abstract = {Salience is an important concept throughout political science. Traditionally, the word has been used to designate the importance of issues, particularly for voters. To measure salience in political behavior research, scholars often rely on people's responses to the survey question that asks about the “most important problem” (MIP) facing the nation. In this manuscript, I argue that the measure confuses at least two different characteristics of salience: The importance of issues and the degree to which issues are a problem. It even may be that issues and problems are themselves fundamentally different things, one relating to public policy and the other to conditions. Herein, I conceptualize the different characteristics of MIP. I then undertake an empirical analysis of MIP responses over time in the US. It shows that most of the variation in MIP responses reflects variation in problem status. To assess whether these responses still capture meaningful information about the variation in importance over time, I turn to an analysis of opinion-policy dynamics, specifically on the defense spending domain. It shows that changes in MIP mentions do not structure public responsiveness to policy or policymaker responsiveness to public preferences themselves. Based on the results, it appears that the political importance of defense has remained largely unchanged over time. The same may be true in other domains. Regardless, relying on MIP responses as indicators of issue importance of any domain is fundamentally flawed. The responses may tell us something about the “prominence” of issues, but we simply do not know. The implication is clear: We first need to decide what we want to measure and then design the instruments to measure it.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\RI3HYFWL\S026137940500020X.html}
}

@article{wlezienSaliencePoliticalIssues2005a,
  title = {On the Salience of Political Issues: {{The}} Problem with ‘Most Important Problem’},
  shorttitle = {On the Salience of Political Issues},
  author = {Wlezien, Christopher},
  date = {2005-12},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {24},
  number = {4},
  pages = {555--579},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2005.01.009},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S026137940500020X},
  urldate = {2024-11-22},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NZAHXNB7\Wlezien - 2005 - On the salience of political issues The problem w.pdf}
}

@article{wojcieszakCorrelatesPartyIdeology2011,
  title = {Correlates of {{Party}}, {{Ideology}} and {{Issue Based Extremity}} in an Era of {{Egocentric Publics}}},
  author = {Wojcieszak, Magdalena and Rojas, Hernando},
  date = {2011-10-01},
  journaltitle = {The International Journal of Press/Politics},
  volume = {16},
  number = {4},
  pages = {488--507},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {1940-1612},
  doi = {10.1177/1940161211418226},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161211418226},
  urldate = {2024-08-19},
  abstract = {We extend the study of political extremity to an evolving media landscape. We differentiate between political and non-political uses of both “traditional” and “new” media, and situate political extremity within a new conceptualization of public– egocentric publics –a meso-level phenomenon enabled by new communication technologies that overcomes the traditional dichotomy of small groups and mass publics. Testing the relationship between information, expression, and extremity in Colombia, a sociopolitical context with high levels of polarization and distrust, we find that traditional media use is mostly unrelated to the tested forms of extremity: party-, ideology-, or issue-based. In turn, expressive Internet use is related to extremity and—contrary to what some commentators have feared—this relationship is negative. Lower extremity associated with online expression is consistent with the notion of egocentric publics advanced in this article. The results underscore the importance of differentiating between various media formats in political communication research, reveal the media correlates of various forms of extremity can take, and provide evidence that the emerging publics made possible by new media are not necessarily polarizing.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\AXB9UPCM\Wojcieszak and Rojas - 2011 - Correlates of Party, Ideology and Issue Based Extr.pdf}
}

@article{wojcieszakStrongAttitudesGroup2012,
  title = {On {{Strong Attitudes}} and {{Group Deliberation}}: {{Relationships}}, {{Structure}}, {{Changes}}, and {{Effects}}},
  shorttitle = {On {{Strong Attitudes}} and {{Group Deliberation}}},
  author = {Wojcieszak, Magdalena E.},
  date = {2012},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {33},
  number = {2},
  pages = {225--242},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00872.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2012.00872.x},
  urldate = {2025-03-24},
  abstract = {Drawing on quasi-experimental data from participants in structured and moderated deliberations on sexual minority rights in Poland, this study tests the relationship between attitude importance, certainty, intensity, and extremity. This study also examines the antecedents of these attributes and their consequences for several democratically important outcomes (i.e., perceived disagreement, negative affect, attitude polarization, self-reported polarization, argument repertoire, and political participation). This study further asks whether these attributes exert different effects than a composite attitude strength index. Although factor analysis suggests that these attributes represent one construct, they are differently affected by deliberation and exert differential effects. The analyses further reveal that relying on the composite index obscures substantial information and inaccurately represents strength-related processes and functions. Theoretical, methodological, and practical implications are discussed.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {attitude importance,attitude strength,certainty,deliberation,extremity,intensity},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\QCVW2K7K\\Wojcieszak - 2012 - On Strong Attitudes and Group Deliberation Relationships, Structure, Changes, and Effects.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\HXC8U9IB\\j.1467-9221.2012.00872.html}
}

@online{WomenVoteLess,
  title = {Do {{Women Vote Less Correctly}}? {{The Effect}} of {{Gender}} on {{Ideological Proximity Voting}} and {{Correct Voting}}},
  shorttitle = {Do {{Women Vote Less Correctly}}?},
  doi = {10.1086/707525},
  url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/epdf/10.1086/707525},
  urldate = {2024-09-03},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\D3MJRLIA\\Do Women Vote Less Correctly The Effect of Gender.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\6AX7M9A5\\707525.html}
}

@article{woodMoreReliableImplementation2012,
  title = {Toward a {{More Reliable Implementation}} of {{Ideology}} in {{Measures}} of {{Public Opinion}}},
  author = {Wood, Thomas and Oliver, Eric},
  date = {2012-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {76},
  number = {4},
  pages = {636--662},
  issn = {0033-362X},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfs045},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfs045},
  urldate = {2025-04-03},
  abstract = {Ideology is a central concept in research on American public opinion, yet it continues to be used in crude ways. Recognizing both the widespread use of the seven-point scale, and its numerous problems, we provide new findings on how ideology is used by survey respondents, the attitudinal correlates of ideological self-assignment, and the impact of education on ideological constraint. From these findings, we propose an alternative coding strategy that uses dummy variables for each ideological pole, which are then interacted with a three-point educational scale. Replicating past research on vote choice, racial attitudes, and respect for gay rights, we show that this new scheme generates more precise statistical estimates and offers new substantive insights into the relationship between ideology and a host of political outcomes.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8FKLKW99\Wood and Oliver - 2012 - Toward a More Reliable Implementation of Ideology in Measures of Public Opinion.pdf}
}

@article{wooOpennessExperienceIts2014,
  title = {Openness to {{Experience}}: {{Its Lower Level Structure}}, {{Measurement}}, and {{Cross-Cultural Equivalence}}},
  shorttitle = {Openness to {{Experience}}},
  author = {Woo, Sang Eun and Chernyshenko, Oleksandr S. and Longley, Andrew and Zhang, Zhi-Xue and Chiu, Chi-Yue and Stark, Stephen E.},
  date = {2014-01-02},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Personality Assessment},
  volume = {96},
  number = {1},
  eprint = {23795950},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {29--45},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0022-3891},
  doi = {10.1080/00223891.2013.806328},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00223891.2013.806328},
  urldate = {2024-08-07},
  abstract = {Openness to Experience is an important but relatively poorly understood personality construct. Advances in openness research require further construct clarification as well as establishment of a common framework for conceptualizing and measuring the lower level structure of the construct. In this article, we present data from 3 studies to address this research need. In Study 1, we identify 6 facets of Openness to Experience—intellectual efficiency, ingenuity, curiosity, aesthetics, tolerance, and depth—based on a factor analysis of 36 existing Openness-related scales. In Study 2, we present further validity evidence for the 6-facet structure based on a newly developed measure of Openness. Data from this study also suggest the presence of 2 intermediate-level factors (i.e., aspects) of Openness: intellect and culture. In Study 3, we present a short form of the newly developed measure, retaining items that showed the highest internal consistency and measurement invariance across 3 samples: U.S. undergraduates, Chinese MBA students, and Chinese undergraduates. Together these 3 studies offer a more nuanced understanding of the multifaceted nature of the Openness construct.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZW8LFMAM\Woo et al. - 2014 - Openness to Experience Its Lower Level Structure,.pdf}
}

@incollection{wrightFactorAnalyticSupport2017,
  title = {Factor {{Analytic Support}} for the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  booktitle = {The {{Oxford Handbook}} of the {{Five Factor Model}}},
  author = {Wright, Aidan G. C.},
  editor = {Widiger, Thomas A.},
  date = {2017-05-27},
  pages = {0},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.20},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199352487.013.20},
  urldate = {2024-08-05},
  abstract = {The Five Factor Model (FFM) has risen to prominence over the past 50 years, and currently represents the most widely used structural model of personality attributes. By definition, the FFM is built upon a foundation of factor-analytic techniques. This chapter is divided into three parts. In the first, a methodological primer is provided for those who may be less familiar with factor analytic techniques. Second, the FFM and factor analysis are understood through a historical review, along with updated exemplars of contemporary techniques and applications to personality. Finally, several new directions in factor analytic research of the FFM are reviewed, including its application to psychiatric disorders.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-935248-7},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\FHMAXRGI\\Wright - 2017 - Factor Analytic Support for the Five Factor Model.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\EHFQZIJ6\\211684923.html}
}

@article{xuerebEmotionsPerceivedThreat2023,
  title = {Emotions, Perceived Threat, Prejudice, and Attitudes towards Helping {{Ukrainian}}, {{Syrian}}, and {{Somali}} Asylum Seekers},
  author = {Xuereb, Sharon},
  date = {2023-09-13},
  journaltitle = {PLOS ONE},
  shortjournal = {PLOS ONE},
  volume = {18},
  number = {9},
  pages = {e0290335},
  publisher = {Public Library of Science},
  issn = {1932-6203},
  doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0290335},
  url = {https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0290335},
  urldate = {2025-06-17},
  abstract = {Europe receives thousands of asylum seekers. This study examined whether European participants distinguish between European, Middle Eastern, and African asylum seekers in relation to positive and negative emotions, perceived threat, prejudice, and attitudes towards helping. The study also examined how these variables interrelate to influence each other. 287 participants were recruited from the UK and Malta. The study found that higher positive emotions and attitudes towards helping, and lower negative emotions, classical prejudice, and conditional prejudice were reported in relation to Ukrainian than Syrian or Somali asylum seekers. A mediation analysis was conducted to examine the interrelationship of these variables. Emotions and perceived threat had an indirect effect on attitudes towards helping, via prejudice. The effect of perceived threat was stronger than that of emotions. The study suggests that to improve people’s openness towards helping asylum seekers, it is necessary to reduce the perception that asylum seekers are threatening.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Emotions,Europe,Malta,Psychological attitudes,Refugees,Social discrimination,Somalian people,Ukrainian people},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DU58HG6J\Xuereb - 2023 - Emotions, perceived threat, prejudice, and attitudes towards helping Ukrainian, Syrian, and Somali a.pdf}
}

@article{yaylaciMeasuringRacialEssentialism2021,
  title = {Measuring Racial Essentialism in the Genomic Era: {{The}} Genetic Essentialism Scale for Race ({{GESR}})},
  shorttitle = {Measuring Racial Essentialism in the Genomic Era},
  author = {Yaylacı, Şule and Roth, Wendy D. and Jaffe, Kaitlyn},
  date = {2021-08-01},
  journaltitle = {Current Psychology},
  shortjournal = {Curr Psychol},
  volume = {40},
  number = {8},
  pages = {3794--3808},
  publisher = {Springer US},
  issn = {1936-4733},
  doi = {10.1007/s12144-019-00311-z},
  url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12144-019-00311-z},
  urldate = {2025-06-11},
  abstract = {Racial essentialism is the belief that races are biologically distinct groups with defining core “essences,” a notion associated with increased social distance and racial bias. While there are different kinds of racial essentialism, understanding and measuring genetic essentialism – the belief that racial groups and their defining core essences are determined by genes – is increasingly important in the wake of the Human Genome Project and the genomic revolution that it spurred. Many have questioned whether such genomic advances will reinforce genetic essentialist beliefs about race, but scholarly research is limited by measures that do not specify the role of genes in these beliefs or allow for distinct theoretical sub-components. In this paper, we develop and validate the Genetic Essentialism Scale for Race (GESR) using a sequential transformative mixed methods approach. Data for analysis come from an original survey-based study with a sample of 1069 White native-born Americans. We employ both exploratory factor analysis and confirmatory analysis to derive and confirm a three-factor model of genetic essentialism (category determinism, core determinism, and polygenism). Due to the high correlation between these factors, we also test for a second-order measurement model with three first-order factors. After conducting additional reliability, validity, and construct validity testing, we propose the GESR— a second-order construct with three first-order dimensions— as a reliable measure of genetic essentialism. The GESR will allow researchers to determine the impact of new genetic developments like race-based medicines and genetic ancestry testing on genetic essentialist beliefs about race.},
  issue = {8},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\2GGABGL7\Yaylacı et al. - 2021 - Measuring racial essentialism in the genomic era The genetic essentialism scale for race (GESR).pdf}
}

@article{youngDeconstructingSourcesGenotypephenotype2019,
  title = {Deconstructing the Sources of Genotype-Phenotype Associations in Humans},
  author = {Young, Alexander I. and Benonisdottir, Stefania and Przeworski, Molly and Kong, Augustine},
  date = {2019-09-27},
  journaltitle = {Science (New York, N.Y.)},
  shortjournal = {Science},
  volume = {365},
  number = {6460},
  eprint = {31604265},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {1396--1400},
  issn = {0036-8075},
  doi = {10.1126/science.aax3710},
  url = {https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6894903/},
  urldate = {2025-01-23},
  abstract = {Efforts to link variation in the human genome to phenotypes have progressed at a tremendous pace over the past couple of decades, and have revealed that most human traits are affected by a large number of genetic variants across the genome. To interpret these associations, and to use them reliably, in particular for phenotypic prediction, a better understanding of the many sources of genotype-phenotype associations is necessary. We summarize the progress that has been made in this direction in humans, notably in decomposing direct and indirect genetic effects as well as population structure confounding. We discuss the natural next steps in data collection and methodology development, with a focus on what can be gained by analyzing genotype and phenotype data from close relatives.},
  pmcid = {PMC6894903},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GRCRFPG6\Young et al. - 2019 - Deconstructing the sources of genotype-phenotype associations in humans.pdf}
}

@article{zallerSimpleTheorySurvey1992,
  title = {A {{Simple Theory}} of the {{Survey Response}}: {{Answering Questions}} versus {{Revealing Preferences}}},
  shorttitle = {A {{Simple Theory}} of the {{Survey Response}}},
  author = {Zaller, John and Feldman, Stanley},
  date = {1992},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {36},
  number = {3},
  eprint = {2111583},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {579--616},
  publisher = {[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  doi = {10.2307/2111583},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2111583},
  urldate = {2025-05-15},
  abstract = {Opinion research is beset by two major types of "artifactual" variance: huge amounts of overtime response instability and the common tendency for seemingly trivial changes in questionnaire form to affect the expression of attitudes. We propose a simple model that converts this anomalous "error variance" into sources of substantive insight into the nature of public opinion. The model abandons the conventional but implausible notion that most people possess opinions at the level of specificity of typical survey items--and instead assumes that most people are internally conflicted over most political issues--and that most respond to survey questions on the basis of whatever ideas are at the top of their heads at the moment of answering. Numerous empirical regularities are shown to be consistent with these assumptions.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WNMC9PD5\Zaller and Feldman - 1992 - A Simple Theory of the Survey Response Answering Questions versus Revealing Preferences.pdf}
}

@article{zhangMovingLikertTraditional2024,
  title = {Moving beyond {{Likert}} and {{Traditional Forced-Choice Scales}}: {{A Comprehensive Investigation}} of the {{Graded Forced-Choice Format}}},
  shorttitle = {Moving beyond {{Likert}} and {{Traditional Forced-Choice Scales}}},
  author = {Zhang, Bo and , Jing, Luo and family=Li, given=Jian, prefix=and, useprefix=true},
  date = {2024-05-03},
  journaltitle = {Multivariate Behavioral Research},
  volume = {59},
  number = {3},
  eprint = {37652572},
  eprinttype = {pubmed},
  pages = {434--460},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0027-3171},
  doi = {10.1080/00273171.2023.2235682},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00273171.2023.2235682},
  urldate = {2025-03-25},
  abstract = {The graded forced-choice (FC) format has recently emerged as an alternative that may preserve the advantages and overcome the issues of the dichotomous FC measures. The current study presented the first large-scale evaluation of the performance of three types of FC measures (FC2, FC4 and FC5 with 2, 4 and 5 response options, respectively) and compared their performance to their Likert (LK) counterparts (LK2, LK4, and LK5) on (1) psychometric properties, (2) respondent reactions, and (3) susceptibility to response styles. Results showed that, compared to LK measures with the same number of response options, the three FC scales provided better support for the hypothesized factor structure, were perceived as more faking-resistant and cognitive demanding, and were less susceptible to response styles. FC4/5 and LK4/5 demonstrated similarly good reliability, while LK2 provided more reliable scores than FC2. When compared across the three FC measures, FC4 and FC5 displayed comparable psychometric performance and respondent reactions. FC4 exhibited a moderate presence of extreme response style, while FC5 had a weak presence of both extreme and middle response styles. Based on these findings, the study recommends the use of graded FC over dichotomous FC and LK, particularly FC5 when extreme response style is a concern.},
  keywords = {Graded forced-choice scale,Respondent reactions,Response styles,Validity},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\823PAAS3\Zhang et al. - 2024 - Moving beyond Likert and Traditional Forced-Choice Scales A Comprehensive Investigation of the Grad.pdf}
}

@article{zhangThreePhasesGene2022,
  title = {Three Phases of {{Gene}} × {{Environment}} Interaction Research: {{Theoretical}} Assumptions Underlying Gene Selection},
  shorttitle = {Three Phases of {{Gene}} × {{Environment}} Interaction Research},
  author = {Zhang, Xiaoya and Belsky, Jay},
  date = {2022-02},
  journaltitle = {Development and Psychopathology},
  shortjournal = {Dev Psychopathol},
  volume = {34},
  number = {1},
  pages = {295--306},
  issn = {0954-5794, 1469-2198},
  doi = {10.1017/S0954579420000966},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0954579420000966/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {Some Gene × Environment interaction (G×E) research has focused upon single candidate genes, whereas other related work has targeted multiple genes (e.g., polygenic scores). Each approach has informed efforts to identify individuals who are either especially vulnerable to the negative effects of contextual adversity (diathesis stress) or especially susceptible to both positive and negative contextual conditions (differential susceptibility). A critical step in all such molecular G×E research is the selection of genetic variants thought to moderate environmental influences, a subject that has not received a great deal of attention in critiques of G×E research (beyond the observation of small effects of individual genes). Here we conceptually distinguish three phases of G×E work based on the selection of genes presumed to moderate environmental effects and the theoretical basis of such decisions: (a) single candidate genes, (b) composited (multiple) candidate genes, and (c) GWAS-derived polygenic scores. This illustrative, not exhaustive, review makes it clear that implicit or explicit theoretical assumptions inform gene selection in ways that have not been clearly articulated or fully appreciated.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\9H4QH8QD\Zhang and Belsky - 2022 - Three phases of Gene × Environment interaction res.pdf}
}

@article{zhangThreePhasesGene2022,
  title = {Three Phases of {{Gene}} × {{Environment}} Interaction Research: {{Theoretical}} Assumptions Underlying Gene Selection},
  shorttitle = {Three Phases of {{Gene}} × {{Environment}} Interaction Research},
  author = {Zhang, Xiaoya and Belsky, Jay},
  date = {2022-02},
  journaltitle = {Development and Psychopathology},
  shortjournal = {Dev Psychopathol},
  volume = {34},
  number = {1},
  pages = {295--306},
  issn = {0954-5794, 1469-2198},
  doi = {10.1017/S0954579420000966},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0954579420000966/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {Some Gene × Environment interaction (G×E) research has focused upon single candidate genes, whereas other related work has targeted multiple genes (e.g., polygenic scores). Each approach has informed efforts to identify individuals who are either especially vulnerable to the negative effects of contextual adversity (diathesis stress) or especially susceptible to both positive and negative contextual conditions (differential susceptibility). A critical step in all such molecular G×E research is the selection of genetic variants thought to moderate environmental influences, a subject that has not received a great deal of attention in critiques of G×E research (beyond the observation of small effects of individual genes). Here we conceptually distinguish three phases of G×E work based on the selection of genes presumed to moderate environmental effects and the theoretical basis of such decisions: (a) single candidate genes, (b) composited (multiple) candidate genes, and (c) GWAS-derived polygenic scores. This illustrative, not exhaustive, review makes it clear that implicit or explicit theoretical assumptions inform gene selection in ways that have not been clearly articulated or fully appreciated.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\E9IZMJ9E\Zhang and Belsky - 2022 - Three phases of Gene × Environment interaction res.pdf}
}

@article{zhangThreePhasesGene2022,
  title = {Three Phases of {{Gene}} × {{Environment}} Interaction Research: {{Theoretical}} Assumptions Underlying Gene Selection},
  shorttitle = {Three Phases of {{Gene}} × {{Environment}} Interaction Research},
  author = {Zhang, Xiaoya and Belsky, Jay},
  date = {2022-02},
  journaltitle = {Development and Psychopathology},
  shortjournal = {Dev Psychopathol},
  volume = {34},
  number = {1},
  pages = {295--306},
  issn = {0954-5794, 1469-2198},
  doi = {10.1017/S0954579420000966},
  url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0954579420000966/type/journal_article},
  urldate = {2024-02-27},
  abstract = {Some Gene × Environment interaction (G×E) research has focused upon single candidate genes, whereas other related work has targeted multiple genes (e.g., polygenic scores). Each approach has informed efforts to identify individuals who are either especially vulnerable to the negative effects of contextual adversity (diathesis stress) or especially susceptible to both positive and negative contextual conditions (differential susceptibility). A critical step in all such molecular G×E research is the selection of genetic variants thought to moderate environmental influences, a subject that has not received a great deal of attention in critiques of G×E research (beyond the observation of small effects of individual genes). Here we conceptually distinguish three phases of G×E work based on the selection of genes presumed to moderate environmental effects and the theoretical basis of such decisions: (a) single candidate genes, (b) composited (multiple) candidate genes, and (c) GWAS-derived polygenic scores. This illustrative, not exhaustive, review makes it clear that implicit or explicit theoretical assumptions inform gene selection in ways that have not been clearly articulated or fully appreciated.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HJLDFXAV\Zhang and Belsky - 2022 - Three phases of Gene × Environment interaction res.pdf}
}

@article{zmigrodCognitivePerceptualCorrelates2021,
  title = {The Cognitive and Perceptual Correlates of Ideological Attitudes: A Data-Driven Approach},
  shorttitle = {The Cognitive and Perceptual Correlates of Ideological Attitudes},
  author = {Zmigrod, Leor and Eisenberg, Ian W. and Bissett, Patrick G. and Robbins, Trevor W. and Poldrack, Russell A.},
  date = {2021-04-12},
  journaltitle = {Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B},
  volume = {376},
  number = {1822},
  pages = {20200424},
  issn = {0962-8436, 1471-2970},
  doi = {10.1098/rstb.2020.0424},
  url = {https://royalsocietypublishing.org/doi/10.1098/rstb.2020.0424},
  urldate = {2024-04-02},
  abstract = {Although human existence is enveloped by ideologies, remarkably little is understood about the relationships between ideological attitudes and psychological traits. Even less is known about how cognitive dispositions—individual differences in how information is perceived and processed— sculpt individuals' ideological worldviews, proclivities for extremist beliefs and resistance (or receptivity) to evidence. Using an unprecedented number of cognitive tasks (               n               = 37) and personality surveys (               n               = 22), along with data-driven analyses including drift-diffusion and Bayesian modelling, we uncovered the specific psychological signatures of political, nationalistic, religious and dogmatic beliefs. Cognitive and personality assessments consistently outperformed demographic predictors in accounting for individual differences in ideological preferences by 4 to 15-fold. Furthermore, data-driven analyses revealed that individuals’ ideological attitudes mirrored their cognitive decision-making strategies. Conservatism and nationalism were related to greater caution in perceptual decision-making tasks and to reduced strategic information processing, while dogmatism was associated with slower evidence accumulation and impulsive tendencies. Religiosity was implicated in heightened agreeableness and risk perception. Extreme pro-group attitudes, including violence endorsement against outgroups, were linked to poorer working memory, slower perceptual strategies, and tendencies towards impulsivity and sensation-seeking—reflecting overlaps with the psychological profiles of conservatism and dogmatism. Cognitive and personality signatures were also generated for ideologies such as authoritarianism, system justification, social dominance orientation, patriotism and receptivity to evidence or alternative viewpoints; elucidating their underpinnings and highlighting avenues for future research. Together these findings suggest that ideological worldviews may be reflective of low-level perceptual and cognitive functions.                          This article is part of the theme issue ‘The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms’.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\8SZQX3VF\Zmigrod et al. - 2021 - The cognitive and perceptual correlates of ideolog.pdf}
}

@article{zmigrodPartisanMindExtreme2020a,
  title = {The Partisan Mind: {{Is}} Extreme Political Partisanship Related to Cognitive Inflexibility?},
  shorttitle = {The Partisan Mind},
  author = {Zmigrod, Leor and Rentfrow, Peter Jason and Robbins, Trevor W.},
  date = {2020},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Experimental Psychology: General},
  volume = {149},
  number = {3},
  pages = {407--418},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-2222},
  doi = {10.1037/xge0000661},
  abstract = {The rise of partisan animosity, ideological polarization, and political dogmatism has reignited important questions about the relationship between psychological rigidity and political partisanship. Two competing hypotheses have been proposed: 1 hypothesis argues that mental rigidity is related to a conservative political orientation, and the other suggests that it reflects partisan extremity across the political spectrum. In a sample of over 700 U.S. citizens, partisan extremity was related to lower levels of cognitive flexibility, regardless of political orientation, across 3 independent cognitive assessments of cognitive flexibility. This was evident across multiple statistical analyses, including quadratic regressions, Bayes factor analysis, and interrupted regressions. These findings suggest that the rigidity with which individuals process and respond to nonpolitical information may be related to the extremity of their partisan identities. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Cognitive Ability,Dogmatism,Ideology,Political Attitudes,Political Conservatism,Political Psychology,Rigidity (Personality)},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\WD9PGLSZ\2019-44422-001.html}
}

@article{zmigrodPartisanMindExtreme2020c,
  title = {The Partisan Mind: {{Is}} Extreme Political Partisanship Related to Cognitive Inflexibility?},
  shorttitle = {The Partisan Mind},
  author = {Zmigrod, Leor and Rentfrow, Peter Jason and Robbins, Trevor W.},
  date = {2020-03},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Experimental Psychology: General},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Experimental Psychology: General},
  volume = {149},
  number = {3},
  pages = {407--418},
  issn = {1939-2222, 0096-3445},
  doi = {10.1037/xge0000661},
  url = {https://doi.apa.org/doi/10.1037/xge0000661},
  urldate = {2025-03-31},
  abstract = {The rise of partisan animosity, ideological polarization, and political dogmatism has reignited important questions about the relationship between psychological rigidity and political partisanship. Two competing hypotheses have been proposed: 1 hypothesis argues that mental rigidity is related to a conservative political orientation, and the other suggests that it reflects partisan extremity across the political spectrum. In a sample of over 700 U.S. citizens, partisan extremity was related to lower levels of cognitive flexibility, regardless of political orientation, across 3 independent cognitive assessments of cognitive flexibility. This was evident across multiple statistical analyses, including quadratic regressions, Bayes factor analysis, and interrupted regressions. These findings suggest that the rigidity with which individuals process and respond to nonpolitical information may be related to the extremity of their partisan identities.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\77AHPC5R\Zmigrod et al. - 2020 - The partisan mind Is extreme political partisanship related to cognitive inflexibility.pdf}
}

@article{zmigrodRoleCognitiveRigidity2020,
  title = {The Role of Cognitive Rigidity in Political Ideologies: Theory, Evidence, and Future Directions},
  shorttitle = {The Role of Cognitive Rigidity in Political Ideologies},
  author = {Zmigrod, Leor},
  date = {2020-08},
  journaltitle = {Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences},
  volume = {34},
  pages = {34--39},
  issn = {23521546},
  doi = {10.1016/j.cobeha.2019.10.016},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S2352154619301147},
  urldate = {2024-04-02},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\YVBDCQSA\Zmigrod - 2020 - The role of cognitive rigidity in political ideolo.pdf}
}

@article{zmigrodRoleCognitiveRigidity2020a,
  title = {The Role of Cognitive Rigidity in Political Ideologies: Theory, Evidence, and Future Directions},
  shorttitle = {The Role of Cognitive Rigidity in Political Ideologies},
  author = {Zmigrod, Leor},
  date = {2020-08},
  journaltitle = {Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences},
  volume = {34},
  pages = {34--39},
  issn = {23521546},
  doi = {10.1016/j.cobeha.2019.10.016},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S2352154619301147},
  urldate = {2024-09-30},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\P2EQHL57\Zmigrod - 2020 - The role of cognitive rigidity in political ideolo.pdf}
}

@article{zmigrodRoleCognitiveRigidity2020b,
  title = {The Role of Cognitive Rigidity in Political Ideologies: Theory, Evidence, and Future Directions},
  shorttitle = {The Role of Cognitive Rigidity in Political Ideologies},
  author = {Zmigrod, Leor},
  date = {2020-08-01},
  journaltitle = {Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences},
  shortjournal = {Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences},
  series = {Political {{Ideologies}}},
  volume = {34},
  pages = {34--39},
  issn = {2352-1546},
  doi = {10.1016/j.cobeha.2019.10.016},
  url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2352154619301147},
  urldate = {2025-03-19},
  abstract = {A contentious debate in political psychology has centred on the role of cognitive rigidity in shaping individuals’ political ideologies and worldviews. Early theories in the 1950s posited that strict ideological doctrines may tend to attract individuals with dispositions towards mental rigidity. This question has persisted: Does psychological rigidity foster a tendency towards ideological extremism? This review evaluates the empirical landscape with respect to the rigidity-of-the-extreme and the rigidity-of-the-right hypotheses and offers conceptual and methodological recommendations for future research avenues. The evidence suggests that cognitive rigidity is linked to ideological extremism, partisanship, and dogmatism across political and non-political ideologies. Advances in the measurement of ideological extremity and cognitive rigidity will facilitate further elucidation regarding how exactly the two hypotheses may be reconciled and why they have been historically placed in a potentially false competition. This synthesis suggests that a scientifically rigorous understanding of the cognitive roots of ideological thinking may be essential for developing effective antidotes to intolerance and intergroup hostility.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\AJ7D4ZDE\S2352154619301147.html}
}

@book{zotero-502,
  type = {book}
}

@online{zotero-item-2260,
  url = {https://watermark-silverchair-com.ezproxy.its.uu.se/nfp023.pdf?token=AQECAHi208BE49Ooan9kkhW_Ercy7Dm3ZL_9Cf3qfKAc485ysgAAA34wggN6BgkqhkiG9w0BBwagggNrMIIDZwIBADCCA2AGCSqGSIb3DQEHATAeBglghkgBZQMEAS4wEQQMueX3kHrzCTAQJyTRAgEQgIIDMYmpIV-c0r85Kp6CAoRWo78BaGd1tTBtHKWdajHadJQKgGi-zUGewYRMVWa9Al02v5HGs41PcVaPu6eodxFEGWtBpKwXWPlPZCiGJvPXHWwjaqFCUo2zZXt88Zms83BeWBvW-7MrXnkUKr2Yw09gdI6U95oy6L1O5JfZCIaWdS16fO9sf7OqUF0vDXVC_RYnWLhqSDG95-5J6Pe3udrZOyvdJ27YJlBqE26KAHAsG7A99FsIJ2xyKvNR5gtu3DVphA1mMsj9mjaTa3dMeuZZivHjIRz5bs7BmCOOeUqx2P85hxlpUZh3S-M9orBhdiWQkTQj_66jMpTKIqhFnU8WErqccJfDe3thU5BDBZCzNSXrycinYcsh_ztcvtB6_YAX9p4TtM-qDthoomtQvyv7DB0Rk6yWT-8-VyO671jM3gJD54iOLD2SfhwiuZ0gGH-maACXb3DuvaUyKFu8ljzs4aq2U48cw-pfTONOkIK-LPDsTMdGML3TKTus0gYmXn1m-hiH3Iyd3--M2RLay0qVYqZ6hEJrESEC8Qlh7RhYPKYzmebFYy1Rl4-db2Jgz99k19p6AsF9--g9gzaNxrUHDVpjIqP2zAbdVHM9u788gZ66oyk024srT3_Fs1Y8CamkX2qCzGA-k8LKudwdDu2xC6I6Cp9HIyk9fhHP0uaNNIYuu2EzEFoQUZgKTd2uJJBRPuyTPkTZEk2dygyjpCAbS9rNEmHRS3A16t3nzDulESyDo55qjP_p-KqtQcPQCs85REYoOmtLGu-0dOyFGxkZ7UcePDoX8bjNRvs70AN4c1jJGsW1hAUwtI3dnU-JYrWRqShqrn3AoJB64wNMz-rT-JA3U88vY1sNzeaEX7kamlbFoyguejLkl6sT4Exv4_oumpcjt1rTcRzJUfJxJdz_r0VEQWl9Wcn-Uc1XTcwNbfw3bIi1qCEDj1zKhGtwqgEpkb706iGkL0XTdcHWD_jCgrvVLMDXyl1oYa_SkJzR0-wtlRBxKCkUG5Sh0Tqbvf273FNmavVm3Rb6MfFfI1MUtNjbJ8WIQ9xNWhfC2uGXsWNvdNmgI9d8G_4Izxsz4tuajug}
}

@misc{zotero-item-3093,
  type = {misc}
}

@article{zwickerPersistentBeliefsPolitical2020,
  title = {Persistent Beliefs: {{Political}} Extremism Predicts Ideological Stability over Time},
  shorttitle = {Persistent Beliefs},
  author = {Zwicker, Maria V. and Van Prooijen, Jan-Willem and Krouwel, André P. M.},
  date = {2020-12},
  journaltitle = {Group Processes \& Intergroup Relations},
  shortjournal = {Group Processes \& Intergroup Relations},
  volume = {23},
  number = {8},
  pages = {1137--1149},
  issn = {1368-4302, 1461-7188},
  doi = {10.1177/1368430220917753},
  url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1368430220917753},
  urldate = {2024-04-02},
  abstract = {Previous research suggests that political extremists have stronger convictions in their beliefs than moderates. The present research examines the relationship between political extremism and belief stability, defined as the extent to which people change their ideological beliefs over time. Studies 1 (N = 397) and 2 (N = 291) revealed that participants at the left and right extremes report more stable beliefs than political moderates. We then reanalyzed a longitudinal study that tracked actual ideological changes over time during a referendum (Study 3, N = 5812). Results indicated that for ideological orientation measured at three time points, politically extreme respondents had lower standard deviations—and hence, more stable ideologies over time—than moderates. Furthermore, the effect appeared more pronounced among people at the left than people at the right. We discuss implications of these insights for political extremism in society and the malleability of political ideology.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\XRS2GCHH\Zwicker et al. - 2020 - Persistent beliefs Political extremism predicts i.pdf}
}
