@article{andreQualityRepresentationSatisfaction2017,
  title = {The {{Quality}} of {{Representation}} and {{Satisfaction}} with {{Democracy}}: {{The Consequences}} of {{Citizen-Elite Policy}} and {{Process Congruence}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Quality}} of {{Representation}} and {{Satisfaction}} with {{Democracy}}},
  author = {André, Audrey and Depauw, Sam},
  date = {2017-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  shortjournal = {Polit Behav},
  volume = {39},
  number = {2},
  pages = {377--397},
  issn = {1573-6687},
  doi = {10.1007/s11109-016-9360-x},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-016-9360-x},
  urldate = {2024-11-28},
  abstract = {Citizen-elite congruence has long been considered an important yardstick for the quality of democracy. The literature on citizen satisfaction with democracy, however, has reduced congruence almost exclusively to one of its components, policy congruence. Just as citizens are considered to have positions on policy issues, there is growing scholarly interest in the preferences they have about the process of representation. Yet studies inquiring into the impact of the divergent preferences that~citizens and elites have regarding the representational process thus far have been few~and their results inconclusive. Combining new, unique data from the 2014 Belgian Election and Candidate Studies, we seek to address this lacuna. Our findings indicate that we cannot understand citizen satisfaction without also taking process into account—even as the policy gap has the greater effect. They should be of interest to scholars of democracy, those concerned about citizen disengagement from politics, and political practitioners.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Policy congruence,Political representation,Process preferences,Satisfaction with democracy},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\LMY2W5PF\André and Depauw - 2017 - The Quality of Representation and Satisfaction wit.pdf}
}

@article{bischofIdeologicalCongruenceParty2018,
  title = {Ideological Congruence between Party Rhetoric and Policy-Making},
  author = {Bischof, Daniel},
  date = {2018-03-04},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {41},
  number = {2},
  pages = {310--328},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2017.1382213},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2017.1382213},
  urldate = {2024-11-26},
  abstract = {Scholars, citizens and journalists alike question whether political parties keep their electoral promises. A growing body of literature provides empirical evidence that parties do indeed keep their electoral pledges. Yet little is known about the congruence between party rhetoric between elections and the policies delivered by them. Given the increasing influence of party rhetoric in the media with respect to voting decisions, it is highly relevant to understand if parties ‘walk like they talk’. The article suggests that due to electoral reasons parties face strong incentives to deliver policy outputs which are congruent to their daily rhetoric. Analysing data on 54 policy outputs on nuclear energy, drafted by 24 parties after the Fukushima accident, the analysis finds overwhelming evidence that parties deliver ideologically congruent policy outputs to their rhetoric (incongruent only in 7.89\%). These findings have important implications for our understanding of the linkage between party communication and the masses in modern media democracies.},
  keywords = {Party competition,party positions,party rhetoric,pledges,responsiveness},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\ZVZYEHBS\Bischof - 2018 - Ideological congruence between party rhetoric and .pdf}
}

@article{blaisDoesProportionalRepresentation2006,
  title = {Does {{Proportional Representation Foster Closer Congruence Between Citizens}} and {{Policy Makers}}?},
  author = {Blais, André and Bodet, Marc André},
  date = {2006-12},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  shortjournal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {39},
  number = {10},
  pages = {1243--1262},
  issn = {0010-4140, 1552-3829},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414005284374},
  url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0010414005284374},
  urldate = {2024-12-09},
  abstract = {This article assesses the claim that proportional representation (PR) fosters a closer correspondence between the views of citizens and the positions of the government. The study uses the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data set and compares respondents’ self-placements on a Left-Right scale with placements of cabinet parties’ locations in 31 election studies. The authors argue that PR has two contradictory consequences. On one hand, PR leads to more parties and more choice for voters; but these parties are less centrist, and this increases the overall distance between voters and parties. On the other hand, PR increases the likelihood of coalition governments; this pulls the government toward the center of the policy spectrum and reduces the distance between the government and voters. These two contradictory effects of PR wash out, and the net overall impact of PR on congruence is nil. The data support the authors’ interpretation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\DVEHJAUU\Blais and Bodet - 2006 - Does Proportional Representation Foster Closer Con.pdf}
}

@article{boonenEffectPoliticalSophistication2017,
  title = {The Effect of Political Sophistication and Party Identification on Voter–Party Congruence. {{A}} Comparative Analysis of 30 Countries},
  author = {Boonen, Joris and Pedersen, Eva Falk and Hooghe, Marc},
  date = {2017-07-03},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  volume = {27},
  number = {3},
  pages = {311--329},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1745-7289},
  doi = {10.1080/17457289.2016.1273226},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2016.1273226},
  urldate = {2024-11-16},
  abstract = {Partisanship and cognitive mobilization are generally seen as independent and counter-balancing influences on vote choice. While the former is typically regarded as a shortcut, reducing the need for close ideological congruence with one’s preferred party, the latter is associated with increasing levels of political sophistication and the importance of ideological proximity in voter decision-making. This paper tests the strength of these arguments in comparative perspective using data from Wave 3 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). Our results show that in general higher levels of political sophistication are associated with higher levels of voter–party ideological congruence and that a strong party identification reduces this proximity. For voters with both high levels of sophistication and strong partisanship, however, congruence remains high. In a second step we examine whether these relationships are affected by the complexity of the party environment. Our findings show that party system size has no effect on levels of ideological congruence at the individual level, and this holds for different levels of voter sophistication. We conclude that for the most part voter sophistication and party identification are best seen as counter-weights in determining vote choice.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\HRSHLHAP\Boonen et al. - 2017 - The effect of political sophistication and party i.pdf}
}

@article{costelloCongruenceVotersParties2021a,
  title = {Congruence between Voters and Parties: {{The}} Role of Party-Level Issue Salience},
  shorttitle = {Congruence between Voters and Parties},
  author = {Costello, Rory and Toshkov, Dimiter and Bos, Barend and Krouwel, André},
  date = {2021},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {60},
  number = {1},
  pages = {92--113},
  issn = {1475-6765},
  doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12388},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1475-6765.12388},
  urldate = {2024-11-22},
  abstract = {The level of congruence between parties and their voters can vary greatly from one policy issue to another, which raises questions regarding the effectiveness of political representation. We seek to explain variation in party–voter congruence across issues and parties. We focus on the hypotheses that (1) average proximity between the positions of voters and the party they vote for will be highest on the issues that the party emphasises in the election campaign and that (2) this relationship will be stronger for niche parties. We test these hypotheses using data on the policy preferences of voters, party positions, party attention profiles and salience on concrete policy issues in four countries: The Netherlands, Ireland, Germany and Sweden. Overall, we find that voter–party proximity tends to be higher on issues that the party emphasises. As these are the issues where parties typically have the greatest policy impact, this implies that the quality of representation is highest where it matters most. There is some limited evidence that the positive relationship between issue salience and proximity is stronger for niche parties. In sum, the quality of policy representation varies strongly with party-level issue salience and to a lesser extent with the type of political party.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {congruence,issue salience,political parties,representation,voting-advice-applications},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\UWQUJ8MX\\Cos℡lo et al. - 2021 - Congruence between voters and parties The role of.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\M7T3G6YS\\1475-6765.html}
}

@article{daltonCognitiveMobilizationPartisan1984,
  title = {Cognitive {{Mobilization}} and {{Partisan Dealignment}} in {{Advanced Industrial Democracies}}},
  author = {Dalton, Russell J.},
  date = {1984},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {46},
  number = {1},
  eprint = {2130444},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {264--284},
  publisher = {[University of Chicago Press, Southern Political Science Association]},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.2307/2130444},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2130444},
  urldate = {2024-12-05},
  abstract = {Theories of mass politics have stressed the value of partisanship in providing citizens with cues for political decision making. The expanding political skills and resources of contemporary electorates are, however, increasing the abilities of the public and lessening the need for partisan cues. A process of cognitive mobilization in advanced industrial societies is creating a substantial number of apartisans, sophisticated individuals who lack party ties. Data from an eight-nation survey document the correlates of changing mobilization patterns, and link these findings to a new style of dealigned politics.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NIEXKNYY\Dalton - 1984 - Cognitive Mobilization and Partisan Dealignment in.pdf}
}

@article{daltonRepresentationGapPolitical2021,
  title = {The {{Representation Gap}} and {{Political Sophistication}}: {{A Contrarian Perspective}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Representation Gap}} and {{Political Sophistication}}},
  author = {Dalton, Russell},
  date = {2021-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {54},
  number = {5},
  pages = {889--917},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414020957673},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414020957673},
  urldate = {2024-11-16},
  abstract = {Political behavior research persistently questions the ability of the average citizen to make voting choices that accurately represent their political views. We argue that voters’ choices should be judged by the outcome of the choices, and not the decision-making process. The representation gap measures the policy agreement between voters and their chosen party using data from the 2014 European Election Study and the Chapel Hill Experts Survey. We consider whether the political sophistication of individual voters affects agreement levels. Negative results are rarely reported widely—but they can be important. This study finds little evidence that political interest, education, information level or even party identification substantially affect the size of the representation gap. Less and more sophisticated citizens both find ways to make voting decisions that broadly match their opinions. The results yield a more positive view of the mass public, the electoral process, and democratic representation.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\PMEEBR74\Dalton - 2021 - The Representation Gap and Political Sophisticatio.pdf}
}

@article{dolnyVoterRepresentativeCongruence2015,
  title = {Voter–{{Representative Congruence}} in {{Europe}}: {{A Loss}} of {{Institutional Influence}}?},
  shorttitle = {Voter–{{Representative Congruence}} in {{Europe}}},
  author = {Dolný, Branislav and Baboš, Pavol},
  date = {2015-11-02},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {38},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1274--1304},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402382.2015.1053180},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2015.1053180},
  urldate = {2024-11-19},
  abstract = {What is the level of voter–elite congruence in Europe and how is it affected by institutions? This article presents a different conceptualisation and new data to comparative research on congruence between voters and their representatives in 15 European countries. The originality of this work is mainly in its use of the most appropriate cross-national data for the conceptualisation of congruence as a ‘many-to-many’ relationship, using for the first time a survey of representatives to replace expert and public opinion on legislators’ attitudes. The study’s results show that congruence in European countries is relatively high in terms of left–right positions and, surprisingly, even higher regarding the question of EU integration. However, while we find enough evidence to link ideological congruence to mostly electoral institutions, it seems the same factors have no relation to the European unification dimension of congruence. This indicates the different nature of congruence in both the ideological and EU integration dimensions. Additionally, the present study found congruence to be higher for the group of voters rather than non-voters, and also higher for voters interested in politics as well as voters with a university degree.},
  keywords = {congruence,electoral institutions,European integration,left–right,parliaments,representation},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\SUL6KJSI\Dolný and Baboš - 2015 - Voter–Representative Congruence in Europe A Loss .pdf}
}

@article{eckerDistributionIndividualCabinet2015,
  title = {The Distribution of Individual Cabinet Positions in Coalition Governments: {{A}} Sequential Approach},
  shorttitle = {The Distribution of Individual Cabinet Positions in Coalition Governments},
  author = {Ecker, Alejandro and Meyer, Thomas M. and Müller, Wolfgang C.},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {54},
  number = {4},
  pages = {802--818},
  issn = {1475-6765},
  doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12108},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1475-6765.12108},
  urldate = {2024-11-26},
  abstract = {Multiparty government in parliamentary democracies entails bargaining over the payoffs of government participation, in particular the allocation of cabinet positions. While most of the literature deals with the numerical distribution of cabinet seats among government parties, this article explores the distribution of individual portfolios. It argues that coalition negotiations are sequential choice processes that begin with the allocation of those portfolios most important to the bargaining parties. This induces conditionality in the bargaining process as choices of individual cabinet positions are not independent of each other. Linking this sequential logic with party preferences for individual cabinet positions, the authors of the article study the allocation of individual portfolios for 146 coalition governments in Western and Central Eastern Europe. The results suggest that a sequential logic in the bargaining process results in better predictions than assuming mutual independence in the distribution of individual portfolios.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {coalition governments,portfolio allocation,Western and Central Eastern Europe},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3PVSAQ47\Ecker et al. - 2015 - The distribution of individual cabinet positions i.pdf}
}

@article{jrPOLITICALREPRESENTATIONCOMPARATIVE2004,
  title = {{{POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS}}},
  author = {Jr, G. Bingham Powell},
  date = {2004-06-15},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  volume = {7},
  pages = {273--296},
  publisher = {Annual Reviews},
  issn = {1094-2939, 1545-1577},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104815},
  url = {https://www.annualreviews.org/content/journals/10.1146/annurev.polisci.7.012003.104815},
  urldate = {2024-12-09},
  abstract = {▪ Abstract Two large research programs have analyzed election-based connections between citizens and policy makers in different democracies. Studies of vote-seat representation in the tradition of Rae (1967) begin with citizens\&apos; party votes and have made substantial progress in elucidating the impact of election laws, geographic vote distributions, and the number of parties and their interactions on the proportionality of party representation. Studies of substantive representation in the tradition of Miller \&amp; Stokes (1963) begin with citizen issue preferences and link these to the positions of their representatives. Most studies outside the United States, confronting multimember districts and the cohesion of party representatives, have focused on voter-party dyads rather than geographic constituencies, and confirmed the importance of issues linked to a common electoral discourse and the greater structure of legislator issue positions. Recently, a number of explicitly comparative analyses have begun to analyze collective correspondence and confront other limitations of the literature.},
  issue = {Volume 7, 2004},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\GK2SKP2M\annurev.polisci.7.012003.html}
}

@article{marthalerParadoxPoliticallySophisticatedPartisan2008,
  title = {The {{Paradox}} of the {{Politically-Sophisticated Partisan}}: {{The French Case}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Paradox}} of the {{Politically-Sophisticated Partisan}}},
  author = {Marthaler, Sally},
  date = {2008-09-01},
  journaltitle = {West European Politics},
  volume = {31},
  number = {5},
  pages = {937--959},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {0140-2382},
  doi = {10.1080/01402380802234607},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402380802234607},
  urldate = {2024-11-16},
  abstract = {The erosion of partisan ties observed in many advanced industrialised democracies has been attributed to a cluster of factors associated with societal modernisation. This article considers the impact of one of these explanatory factors, the political sophistication of the electorate, in the case of France. Specifically, it tests the proposition that a more highly-educated and better-informed electorate will be less partisan. Its findings challenge a number of the assumptions behind the ‘independent’ voter thesis. The evidence points to the fact that it is lower rather than higher cognitive mobilisation that is associated with apartisanship. More politically-sophisticated voters, young and old alike, tend to have stronger party attachment and to rely on this rather than on complex evaluations of issues and policy to guide their voting decision.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FWLEGH5K\Marthaler - 2008 - The Paradox of the Politically-Sophisticated Parti.pdf}
}

@book{millerPolicyRepresentationWestern1999,
  title = {Policy {{Representation}} in {{Western Democracies}}},
  author = {Miller, Warren Edward},
  date = {1999},
  eprint = {uITBGJWH6y8C},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  abstract = {Policy Representation in Western Democracies offers a comparative analysis of policy representation in five Western Democracies: France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the US. A leading group of authors examines the impact of belief systems and geographical and institutional characteristics on the match between the policy preferences of the electorate and those of their representatives. The book offers a variety of perspectives on the conceptualization, measurement, and interpretation of congruence between mass and elite opinion. The book also evaluates the consequences of different electoral systems for policy representation.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-829570-9},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {204},
  keywords = {Political Science / Comparative Politics,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy,Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections,Political Science / Political Process / General,Political Science / Public Policy / General}
}

@incollection{petryMeasuringHowPolitical2009,
  title = {Measuring {{How Political Parties Keep Their Promises}}: {{A Positive Perspective}} from {{Political Science}}},
  shorttitle = {Measuring {{How Political Parties Keep Their Promises}}},
  booktitle = {Do {{They Walk Like They Talk}}? {{Speech}} and {{Action}} in {{Policy Processes}}},
  author = {Pétry, François and Collette, Benoît},
  editor = {Imbeau, Louis M.},
  date = {2009},
  pages = {65--80},
  publisher = {Springer},
  location = {New York, NY},
  doi = {10.1007/978-0-387-89672-4_5},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-89672-4_5},
  urldate = {2024-11-26},
  abstract = {This chapter addresses three questions about the relationship between political discourse and action: Do political parties keep their promises once elected? What are the methodologies used by scholars to demonstrate that political parties keep (or do not keep) their campaign promises? Are these methodologies valid and reliable? We answer these questions based on a review of 18 journal articles and book chapters published in English and French over the past forty years that report quantitative measures of election promise fulfillment in North America and Europe. We find that parties fulfill 67\% of their promises on average, with wide variation across time, countries, and regimes. Most studies have major methodological weaknesses (no operational definition, no mention of relevant documentation, flawed research design) although the more recent ones tend to show higher levels of methodological sophistication and a modicum of scientific transparency.},
  isbn = {978-0-387-89672-4},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Explicit Criterion,Government Action,Operational Definition,Political Parti,Political Party},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\STLRRV84\Pétry and Collette - 2009 - Measuring How Political Parties Keep Their Promise.pdf}
}

@book{pitkinConceptRepresentation1967,
  title = {The {{Concept}} of {{Representation}}},
  author = {Pitkin, Hanna F.},
  date = {1967},
  eprint = {AgUVWLswTNEC},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  publisher = {University of California Press},
  abstract = {Being concerned with representation, this book is about an idea, a concept, a word. It is primarily a conceptual analysis, not a historical study of the way in which representative government has evolved, nor yet an empirical investigation of the behavior of contemporary representatives or the expectations voters have about them. Yet, although the book is about a word, it is not about mere words, not merely about words. For the social philosopher, for the social scientist, words are not "mere"; they are the tools of his trade and a vital part of his subject matter. Since human beings are not merely political animals but also language-using animals, their behavior is shaped by their ideas. What they do and how they do it depends upon how they see themselves and their world, and this in turn depends upon the concepts through which they see. Learning what "representation" means and learning how to represent are intimately connected. But even beyond this, the social theorist sees the world through a network of concepts. Our words define and delimit our world in important ways, and this is particularly true of the world of human and social things. For a zoologist may capture a rare specimen and simply observe it; but who can capture an instance of representation (or of power, or of interest)? Such things, too, can be observed, but the observation always presupposes at least a rudimentary conception of what representation (or power, or interest) is, what counts as representation, where it leaves off and some other phenomenon begins. Questions about what representation is, or is like, are not fully separable from the question of what "representation" means. This book approaches the former questions by way of the latter.},
  isbn = {978-0-520-02156-3},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {340},
  keywords = {Philosophy / General,Philosophy / Political,Political Science / General,Political Science / History & Theory,Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns & Elections}
}

@article{taberMotivatedSkepticismEvaluation2006,
  title = {Motivated {{Skepticism}} in the {{Evaluation}} of {{Political Beliefs}}},
  author = {Taber, Charles S. and Lodge, Milton},
  date = {2006},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {50},
  number = {3},
  pages = {755--769},
  issn = {1540-5907},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00214.x},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00214.x},
  urldate = {2024-11-22},
  abstract = {We propose a model of motivated skepticism that helps explain when and why citizens are biased-information processors. Two experimental studies explore how citizens evaluate arguments about affirmative action and gun control, finding strong evidence of a prior attitude effect such that attitudinally congruent arguments are evaluated as stronger than attitudinally incongruent arguments. When reading pro and con arguments, participants (Ps) counterargue the contrary arguments and uncritically accept supporting arguments, evidence of a disconfirmation bias. We also find a confirmation bias—the seeking out of confirmatory evidence—when Ps are free to self-select the source of the arguments they read. Both the confirmation and disconfirmation biases lead to attitude polarization—the strengthening of t2 over t1 attitudes—especially among those with the strongest priors and highest levels of political sophistication. We conclude with a discussion of the normative implications of these findings for rational behavior in a democracy.},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\UMNBEJAV\\Taber and Lodge - 2006 - Motivated Skepticism in the Evaluation of Politica.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\Z5IUKDD6\\j.1540-5907.2006.00214.html}
}

@article{tappinRethinkingLinkCognitive2021,
  title = {Rethinking the Link between Cognitive Sophistication and Politically Motivated Reasoning},
  author = {Tappin, Ben M. and Pennycook, Gordon and Rand, David G.},
  date = {2021},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Experimental Psychology: General},
  volume = {150},
  number = {6},
  pages = {1095--1114},
  publisher = {American Psychological Association},
  location = {US},
  issn = {1939-2222},
  doi = {10.1037/xge0000974},
  abstract = {Partisan disagreement over policy-relevant facts is a salient feature of contemporary American politics. Perhaps surprisingly, such disagreements are often the greatest among opposing partisans who are the most cognitively sophisticated. A prominent hypothesis for this phenomenon is that cognitive sophistication magnifies politically motivated reasoning—commonly defined as reasoning driven by the motivation to reach conclusions congenial to one’s political group identity. Numerous experimental studies report evidence in favor of this hypothesis. However, in the designs of such studies, political group identity is often confounded with prior factual beliefs about the issue in question; and, crucially, reasoning can be affected by such beliefs in the absence of any political group motivation. This renders much existing evidence for the hypothesis ambiguous. To shed new light on this issue, we conducted three studies in which we statistically controlled for people’s prior factual beliefs—attempting to isolate a direct effect of political group identity—when estimating the association between their cognitive sophistication, political group identity, and reasoning in the paradigmatic study design used in the literature. We observed a robust direct effect of political group identity on reasoning but found no evidence that cognitive sophistication magnified this effect. In contrast, we found fairly consistent evidence that cognitive sophistication magnified a direct effect of prior factual beliefs on reasoning. Our results suggest that there is currently a lack of clear empirical evidence that cognitive sophistication magnifies politically motivated reasoning as commonly understood and emphasize the conceptual and empirical challenges that confront tests of this hypothesis. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Cognitive Processes,Group Identity,Motivation,Political Attitudes,Reasoning},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\SIIFQZH3\\Tappin et al. - 2021 - Rethinking the link between cognitive sophisticati.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\TN9G5UJ9\\2020-80808-001.html}
}

@article{vandijkOpinionIncongruencePublic2024,
  title = {Opinion Incongruence and Public Support for Direct Decision-Making},
  author = {Van Dijk, Lisa and Vanbroekhoven, Wouter and Marien, Sofie},
  date = {2024},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {63},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1308--1327},
  issn = {1475-6765},
  doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12653},
  url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1475-6765.12653},
  urldate = {2024-11-19},
  abstract = {Political representation does not function well for citizens whose positions on political issues differ from those of elected representatives. In this paper, we argue that opinion incongruence leads citizens to want to bypass elected representatives and place more decision-making power in the hands of the public. We theorise that this is because incongruent citizens are highly dissatisfied with the existing political system and/or think they will benefit from direct decision-making in terms of improved policy responsiveness. Using data from the 2019 Belgian Election Survey (n = 3413) and Party Leadership Survey, we find that greater incongruence between citizens’ positions and those of their elected representatives is related to higher support for direct decision-making. This holds for opinion incongruence with the party voted for and incongruence with Parliament as a whole. This paper contributes novel insights into the consequences of the quality of political representation as well as the drivers of citizens’ support for direct decision-making processes.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {congruence,direct decision-making,referendums,representation},
  file = {C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\PZGU642U\\Van Dijk et al. - 2024 - Opinion incongruence and public support for direct.pdf;C\:\\Users\\asybu787\\Zotero\\storage\\EUIT8LY8\\1475-6765.html}
}

@article{walczakRepresentationEuropeanParliament,
  title = {Representation in the {{European Parliament}}: {{Factors Affecting Attitude Congruence}} of {{Candidates}} and {{Voters}} in the {{EP Elections}}},
  author = {Walczak, Agnieszka},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\3WRJZENX\Walczak - Representation in the European Parliament Factors.pdf}
}

@article{walczakRepresentationEuropeanParliament2013,
  title = {Representation in the {{European Parliament}}: {{Factors}} Affecting the Attitude Congruence of Voters and Candidates in the {{EP}} Elections},
  shorttitle = {Representation in the {{European Parliament}}},
  author = {Walczak, Agnieszka and family=Brug, given=Wouter, prefix=van der, useprefix=true},
  date = {2013-03-01},
  journaltitle = {European Union Politics},
  volume = {14},
  number = {1},
  pages = {3--22},
  publisher = {SAGE Publications},
  issn = {1465-1165},
  doi = {10.1177/1465116512456089},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1465116512456089},
  urldate = {2024-11-26},
  abstract = {This article examines the extent to which individual-, party- and system-level characteristics affect the attitude congruence of voters and candidates for elections to the European Parliament. It examines attitudes towards basic policy packages in the socioeconomic and libertarian/authoritarian issue domains and on immigration and European Union integration. The analysis is based on the 2009 European Election Study and European Election Candidate Survey, which covered 27 countries of the European Union (EU), 162 parties and over 11,500 respondents. It shows that the European Parliament suffers from inequalities in representation for different groups of citizens, representing much better the attitudes of educated, middle-class and politically knowledgeable voters. Furthermore, the analysis uncovers significant differences across political parties in how well they match up to voters. We provide tentative evidence suggesting that voters are better represented in open and ordered ballot systems.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{walgraveIdeologySalienceComplexity2013b,
  title = {Ideology, {{Salience}}, and {{Complexity}}: {{Determinants}} of {{Policy Issue Incongruence}} between {{Voters}} and {{Parties}}},
  shorttitle = {Ideology, {{Salience}}, and {{Complexity}}},
  author = {Walgrave, Stefaan and Lefevere, Jonas},
  date = {2013-11-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties},
  volume = {23},
  number = {4},
  pages = {456--483},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  issn = {1745-7289},
  doi = {10.1080/17457289.2013.810630},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2013.810630},
  urldate = {2024-11-18},
  abstract = {How come voters and their parties agree or disagree on policy issues? We claim that voter–party mismatches are due to a lack of information of voters regarding parties' positions. Three mechanisms determine levels of information: ideology, salience, and complexity. We test these ideas drawing on a large sample of policy statements (50) presented to voters and party leaders prior to regional elections in Belgium. Contrary to existing studies, we include predictors on all three levels: issue, voter, and party level. We find support for our claim. Major ideological divides such as the left–right divide yield useful information to the voters about where parties stand. Salience also generates information for voters, or makes information more accessible for voters, which decreases the odds that they have a different stance than their party. Our measures of complexity yielded the expected results too. When the task of voting is made more difficult, voters succeed less in voting for a party that matches their preferences.},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\FCPWD8MT\Walgrave and Lefevere - 2013 - Ideology, Salience, and Complexity Determinants o.pdf}
}

@article{wesselsMeaningfulChoicesPolitical2008a,
  title = {Meaningful Choices, Political Supply, and Institutional Effectiveness},
  author = {Wessels, Bernhard and Schmitt, Hermann},
  date = {2008-03},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {27},
  number = {1},
  pages = {19--30},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2007.11.010},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0261379407001060},
  urldate = {2024-12-05},
  abstract = {This article explores the degree to which the meaningfulness of electoral choices is a result of the political supply structure and the institutional setup of an electoral system. We argue that meaningful choices require both a differentiated choice set and effective elections. In testing this claim, we follow two strategies. First, we take the level of turnout as an indicator of the meaningfulness of electoral choices and determine the impact of political supply and institutional structures on it. Second, we explore whether and how political supply and institutional effectiveness affect the calculus of voting. We test a set of specific hypotheses by determining the relevance of different criteria for choosing a party with conditional models of macro-micro interactions. Empirical data come from the second wave of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES).},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\AG4P865F\Wessels and Schmitt - 2008 - Meaningful choices, political supply, and institut.pdf}
}

@article{wlezienSaliencePoliticalIssues2005a,
  title = {On the Salience of Political Issues: {{The}} Problem with ‘Most Important Problem’},
  shorttitle = {On the Salience of Political Issues},
  author = {Wlezien, Christopher},
  date = {2005-12},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  shortjournal = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {24},
  number = {4},
  pages = {555--579},
  issn = {02613794},
  doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2005.01.009},
  url = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S026137940500020X},
  urldate = {2024-11-22},
  langid = {english},
  file = {C:\Users\asybu787\Zotero\storage\NZAHXNB7\Wlezien - 2005 - On the salience of political issues The problem w.pdf}
}

@article{rodriguez-zepeda_multilevel_2021,
    title = {A {Multilevel} {Model} of {Ideological} {Congruence} in {Latin} {America}},
    volume = {63},
    issn = {1531-426X, 1548-2456},
    url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/latin-american-politics-and-society/article/multilevel-model-of-ideological-congruence-in-latin-america/03E1145A0E434F4D0F0773C8732C12E9},
    doi = {10.1017/lap.2021.25},
    abstract = {What explains ideological congruence between citizens and political parties? Although the literature on congruence has recently provided some answers to this question, most of these works have focused on the effect of systemic and partisan factors. They have paid less attention to the effect of people’s characteristics on ideological congruence, which is built by the interaction between citizens’ positions on public issues and those of the political parties that represent them. Our general research hypothesis is that party-voter congruence is stronger when parties reduce the uncertainty about their ideological positions and citizens can understand these signals better. Analysis of Latin American data supports this hypothesis, showing that people’s cognitive ability, specifically education and political knowledge, has a positive effect on party-voter ideological congruence. Moreover, this relationship is moderated by parties’ attributes, such as ideological ambiguity and radicalism.},
    language = {en},
    number = {3},
    urldate = {2024-12-18},
    journal = {Latin American Politics and Society},
    author = {Rodríguez-Zepeda, Juan Antonio and Otero-Felipe, Patricia},
    month = aug,
    year = {2021},
    keywords = {Latin America, congruence, ideology, parties, uncertainty, voters},
    pages = {119--145},
}
@article{goubin_role_2025,
    title = {The {Role} of {Education} in {Political} {Information} {Processing} and {Correct} {Voting}: {Inequality} at the {Voting} {Booth}?},
    issn = {1573-6687},
    shorttitle = {The {Role} of {Education} in {Political} {Information} {Processing} and {Correct} {Voting}},
    url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-024-09997-9},
    doi = {10.1007/s11109-024-09997-9},
    abstract = {It has been well established that the effectiveness and quality of political representation is unequally distributed in Western democracies. Scholars have frequently warned about the rise of ‘diploma democracies’ and a ‘new gilded age’ in which political systems are skewed towards the interests of those with a higher socio-economic status. In this paper, we investigate one possible causal mechanism of this inequality: the greater ability of educated citizens to cast a ‘correct’ vote. If some citizens are not able to accurately identify the party or candidate that best represents their interests, electoral and political participation will not lead to full representation. On the basis of the American National Election Study and original experimental data, we provide evidence that citizens’ level of education has important repercussions for their capacity for correct voting. More educated voters have higher levels of political sophistication, and they are in turn more likely to cast a correct vote. As we find that both political sophistication and information processing capability help us to explain the effect of education on correct voting, we expect that this form of stratification will remain rather persistent.},
    language = {en},
    urldate = {2025-04-28},
    journal = {Political Behavior},
    author = {Goubin, Silke and Lau, Richard R. and Stiers, Dieter and Hooghe, Marc},
    month = jan,
    year = {2025},
    keywords = {Correct Voting, Education, Political Sophistication, Political Stratification, Voting Behavior},
}
@article{shehata_unemployment_2010,
    title = {Unemployment on the {Agenda}: {A} {Panel} {Study} of {Agenda}-{Setting} {Effects} {During} the 2006 {Swedish} {National} {Election} {Campaign}},
    volume = {60},
    issn = {0021-9916},
    shorttitle = {Unemployment on the {Agenda}},
    url = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2009.01475.x},
    doi = {10.1111/j.1460-2466.2009.01475.x},
    abstract = {The issue of unemployment and job creation dominated news coverage during the 2006 Swedish National Election campaign. The purpose of this study is to analyze individual-level agenda-setting effects in the 2006 Swedish National Election campaign. Apart from being one of the first agenda-setting studies conducted in Sweden, this study builds upon a panel survey with 1,007 respondents, which makes it possible to impose stricter control of the causal relationship between the media and public agendas. The overall findings show that agenda-setting effects were indeed present. Furthermore, attention to political news had stronger effects among people with low political interest compared with those who were highly interested. Education was not a contingent factor, though.},
    number = {1},
    urldate = {2025-06-12},
    journal = {Journal of Communication},
    author = {Shehata, Adam},
    month = mar,
    year = {2010},
    pages = {182--203},
}
@article{bovens_education_2010,
    title = {The education gap in participation and its political consequences},
    volume = {45},
    copyright = {2010 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Ltd},
    issn = {1741-1416},
    url = {https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/ap.2010.7},
    doi = {10.1057/ap.2010.7},
    abstract = {Although research on political participation has consistently observed a robust and positive relationship between education and political participation, there is fairly little systematic analysis of its implications for the functioning of modern democracies. This article first explores the degree to which educational differences matter in the extent and form of political participation in the Netherlands. It turns out that the well educated currently comprise less than a third of the population, yet they dominate every political venue in the Netherlands. The less educated, on the other hand, have virtually disappeared from most layers of the participation pyramid. Second, the article explores the political consequences of this education gap in participation. There is no such thing in the Netherlands as a general cleft between citizens and politicians. The major gap is one between less- and well- educated citizens. The less educated tend to be very distrustful and cynical about politics and politicians, whereas the well educated tend to be much more positive about government and political institutions. The education gap has been most manifest with regard to socio-cultural issues, such as crime, the admittance of asylum seekers, cultural integration of immigrants and EU unification. Regarding these issues, differences in the level of formal educational will lead to very divergent political opinions. However, the recent emergence of eurosceptic and nationalist parties, with a populist style, such as the LPF, SP and PVV, have made the less educated more visible in the political landscape.},
    language = {en},
    number = {4},
    urldate = {2025-07-31},
    journal = {Acta Politica},
    author = {Bovens, Mark and Wille, Anchrit},
    month = dec,
    year = {2010},
    note = {Company: Palgrave
Distributor: Palgrave
Institution: Palgrave
Label: Palgrave
Number: 4
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan UK},
    pages = {393--422},
}
@article{madole_building_2023,
    title = {Building causal knowledge in behavior genetics},
    volume = {46},
    issn = {0140-525X, 1469-1825},
    url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/behavioral-and-brain-sciences/article/building-causal-knowledge-in-behavior-genetics/A5EF84672F3D73ED8D21F2B129AD6D23},
    doi = {10.1017/S0140525X22000681},
    abstract = {Behavior genetics is a controversial science. For decades, scholars have sought to understand the role of heredity in human behavior and life-course outcomes. Recently, technological advances and the rapid expansion of genomic databases have facilitated the discovery of genes associated with human phenotypes such as educational attainment and substance use disorders. To maximize the potential of this flourishing science, and to minimize potential harms, careful analysis of what it would mean for genes to be causes of human behavior is needed. In this paper, we advance a framework for identifying instances of genetic causes, interpreting those causal relationships, and applying them to advance causal knowledge more generally in the social sciences. Central to thinking about genes as causes is counterfactual reasoning, the cornerstone of causal thinking in statistics, medicine, and philosophy. We argue that within-family genetic effects represent the product of a counterfactual comparison in the same way as average treatment effects (ATEs) from randomized controlled trials (RCTs). Both ATEs from RCTs and within-family genetic effects are shallow causes: They operate within intricate causal systems (non-unitary), produce heterogeneous effects across individuals (non-uniform), and are not mechanistically informative (non-explanatory). Despite these limitations, shallow causal knowledge can be used to improve understanding of the etiology of human behavior and to explore sources of heterogeneity and fade-out in treatment effects.},
    language = {en},
    urldate = {2025-08-19},
    journal = {Behavioral and Brain Sciences},
    author = {Madole, James W. and Harden, K. Paige},
    month = jan,
    year = {2023},
    keywords = {behavior genetics, causal inference, counterfactual reasoning, experimental designs, individual differences, philosophy of science},
    pages = {e182},
}