Title: Evaluating National Maternal Care Programs to Reduce Stillbirth in Rural Areas of Pune district: Findings from Qualitative data using the RE-AIM framework
Author list:
EeshaChawan1
KiranKadam1
NishaMutalikdesai1
SayaliKasture1
MuktaGadgil3
ReemaMukherjee4
NitinAmbadekar3
GirishDayma1,2
Dr
RutujaPatil1,2,5✉
Email
1Community Health Research UnitKEM Hospital Research CentrePuneIndia
2Vadu Rural Health ProgramKEM Hospital Research CentrePuneIndia
3State Health Systems Resource CentrePuneIndia
4Indian Council of Medical ResearchPuneIndia
5Vadu Rural Health ProgramKEM Hospital Research CentrePuneIndia, India
Eesha Chawan1, Kiran Kadam1, Nisha Mutalikdesai1, Sayali Kasture1, Mukta Gadgil 3, Reema Mukherjee 4, Nitin Ambadekar 3, Girish Dayma1,2, Rutuja Patil1,2*
Affiliations:
1 Community Health Research Unit, KEM Hospital Research Centre, Pune, India
2 Vadu Rural Health Program, KEM Hospital Research Centre, Pune, India
3 State Health Systems Resource Centre, Pune, India
4 Indian Council of Medical Research, Pune, India
*Corresponding Author: Dr Rutuja Patil, rutuja.patil@kemhrcvadu.org, Community Health Research Unit, KEM Hospital Research Centre, Pune, India & Vadu Rural Health Program, KEM Hospital Research Centre, Pune, India
Abstract
Background:
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Stillbirth remains a critical yet under-prioritised public health challenge in India, despite global and national commitments to maternal and child survival. Evidence suggests that more than half of stillbirths are preventable through timely, high-quality antenatal and intrapartum care. The India Newborn Action Plan (INAP) was launched in 2014 to align with the Every Newborn Action Plan (ENAP) and to strengthen maternal, newborn, and child health interventions. However, rural regions—particularly those with large tribal and migrant populations—continue to face barriers in service delivery, access, and utilisation. In this context, this study aimed to assess the delivery of maternal care public health programs in rural Pune district, Maharashtra, using the RE-AIM (Reach, Effectiveness, Adoption, Implementation, Maintenance) framework, to identify systemic, cultural, and logistical gaps that limit stillbirth prevention efforts.
Methods:
A qualitative, formative implementation research approach was employed as part of a larger mixed-methods study. Data were collected from three rural blocks of Pune district (Khed, Ambegaon, Junnar) through 49 in-depth interviews with pregnant women, mothers, community health workers (CHWs), and healthcare providers (HCPs) and one focus group discussion with the CHW. Interview guides included probes for each RE-AIM domain. Audio-recorded interviews were transcribed, translated, and thematically analysed according to the RE-AIM framework.
Results:
Even though maternal and child services under national public health programs are available, significant gaps remained across all RE-AIM domains. Reach was hindered by geographic isolation, lack of awareness, language barriers, and deep-rooted mistrust of public facilities among tribal and migrant populations. Effectiveness was constrained by inconsistent high-risk pregnancy (HRP) screening, delayed pregnancy registration, shortages of diagnostic kits, and cultural norms discouraging timely care-seeking. Adoption of standardised maternal health protocols was inconsistent across cadres and facilities, with varied definitions of stillbirth and heavy workloads impeding compliance. Implementation faced challenges from inadequate infrastructure, inefficient referral pathways, frequent stock-outs of medicines and supplies, and unreliable ambulance services, particularly at night. Maintenance was undermined by low CHW incentives, irregular training, absence of continuous professional development, and weak monitoring and feedback systems.
Conclusion:
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Addressing these systemic and cultural barriers will require culturally adapted IEC, proactive pregnancy identification, uniform protocol enforcement especially for high-risk pregnancies, strengthened supply chains, sustained training for CHWs and HCPs, and streamlined digital health systems. Strengthening maternal care delivery through these strategies holds significant potential for reducing preventable stillbirths in rural Pune and similar LMIC contexts.
Keywords:
Stillbirth prevention
maternal health services
RE-AIM framework
rural India
Pune
implementation research
high-risk pregnancy
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1. Introduction:
India has been at the forefront of efforts to reduce maternal and child deaths, aligning its healthcare strategies with global commitments. In 2015, the nation adopted the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), committing to targeted interventions aimed at reducing maternal and child mortality through policy reforms, healthcare infrastructure advancements, and community-based programs [1]. In pursuit of these SDG goals, India launched the India Newborn Action Plan (INAP) in 2014, developed as a response to the global Every Newborn Action Plan (ENAP) [2]. The INAP aims to reduce preventable newborn deaths and stillbirths, contributing to a broader strategy for maternal mortality reduction. To achieve this, INAP is structured around six pillars of interventions, which include: Pre-conception and antenatal care, Care during labour and childbirth, Immediate newborn care, Care of healthy newborns, Care of small and sick newborns, Care beyond newborn survival [2].
Although these initiatives are scattered under various programs, maternal and child health challenges persist, particularly in rural India, where healthcare accessibility remains limited. According to the Sample Registration System (SRS) 2022 records, India’s Maternal Mortality Ratio (MMR) is 97 per 100,000 live births, while Neonatal Mortality Rate (NMR), Infant Mortality Rate (IMR), and Under-5 Mortality Rate (U5MR) stand at 20, 28, and 32 per 1,000 live births, respectively [3]. On the other hand, Stillbirth rates (SBR) for India show inconsistencies across data sources- SRS reports 3 per 1,000 births, Health Management Information System (HMIS) reports 12.4 per 1,000 births, and the National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5) reports 9.7 per 1,000 births [4].
Despite maternal and child health programs focusing on maternal, neonatal and infant mortality, stillbirth prevention remains overlooked, even though evidence suggests that half of all stillbirths are preventable [5]. These deaths are largely attributed to sub-optimal healthcare systems in LMICs, necessitating improvements under the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) to enhance maternal care delivery [6]. Additional challenges, such as low program reach, inconsistent implementation, and socio-cultural barriers, further hinder the effectiveness of maternal health interventions [7].
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To comprehensively evaluate the effectiveness of maternal care programs in reducing stillbirths, this study employs the RE-AIM framework [8] by assessing service accessibility (Reach), intervention impact (Effectiveness), stakeholder uptake (Adoption), workforce and infrastructure challenges (Implementation), and long-term sustainability (Maintenance). We used RE-AIM for this analysis as it helps in systematically assessing programs.
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This study is part of the formative phase of a larger multi-site, multi-phase implementation research, designed to develop an optimised model for maternal care interventions [4]. The qualitative approach allows exploration of barriers, facilitators, and program effectiveness in reducing stillbirth rates in tribal blocks of Pune district, contributing to policy recommendations for strengthening maternal healthcare delivery and achieving SDG targets for maternal and child health.
2. Methods
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2.1 Study Site and Population: This study was undertaken in three tribal blocks in Pune district in Maharashtra. These blocks cover 510 villages with a total population of 1,085,390. Public health facilities in the area include one Sub-District Hospital, six Rural Hospitals, 35 Primary Health Centres, and approximately 150 private hospitals. The study population primarily comprised tribal and migrant community members, who will henceforth be referred to as ‘beneficiaries’ in this paper.
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2.2 Study Design: A qualitative study was conducted with key stakeholders, including Medical Officers, Community Health Officers, Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHA), Auxiliary Nurse Midwives (ANM), Anganwadi Workers (AWW), Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, Paediatricians, and the community members, including pregnant women and new mothers. A total of 49 IDIs and one FGD were conducted to better understand and document current interventions, challenges, experiences, knowledge, and needs related to stillbirth prevention and care. For the purpose of this paper, we refer to ASHAs, ANMs and AWWs collectively as Community Health Workers (CHWs), and CHOs, MOs, obstetricians, gynaecologists and paediatricians as Healthcare Providers (HCPs).
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2.3 Ethical Considerations: All the necessary ethical approvals were obtained from the KEM Hospital Research Centre Institutional Ethics Committee (KEMHRC/RVM/EC/1964).
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Written informed consent was obtained from all respondents before data collection.
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We adhered to the principles outlined in the ICMR guidelines for the ethical conduct of biomedical research [9].
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2.4 Data Collection and Analysis: The interview and FGD guides were developed using the WHO Health Systems Framework, which includes six key areas: service delivery, health workforce, health information systems, access to essential medicines, financing, and leadership and governance. Each interview was conducted once, lasted for an average of 30 minutes, and was audio-recorded. The trained research team, including clinicians, anthropologists and public health scientists, conducted interviews.
We used a rapid qualitative data analysis approach to code and analyse the data [10]. Adapted from traditional qualitative data analysis techniques, this is a recent approach that allows the extraction of important and focused results that can direct the planning and execution of interventions within a constrained timeframe [11]. The members of the study team (EC, NM, KK, SK and RP) who collected data coded respective audio recordings using a rapid analysis matrix. The matrix was created in Google Sheets using a deductive approach, which was accessible to all team members, whereby initial codes and the sub-codes were derived from the data collection tools, based on the WHO Health Systems framework. The team iteratively induced new codes in the matrix that surfaced from the data, in tune with the WHO Health Systems and RE-AIM framework. While coding the data from the audio recordings, the verbatim responses were directly translated and assigned to relevant codes and sub-codes. These codes and subcodes were then organised and mapped to the appropriate RE-AIM domains for analysis and interpretation of the summarised data.
3. Results:
3.1 Description of participants
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A total of 49 respondents participated in the study, including 9 pregnant women, 8 mothers with a live birth, 9 Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs), 6 Auxiliary Nurse Midwives (ANMs), 1 Anganwadi Worker (AWW), 6 Medical Officers (MOs), 5 Community Health Officers (CHOs), 2 gynaecologists, 1 pediatrician, and 2 staff nurses. Alongside the in-depth interviews (IDIs) and focus group discussions (FGDs), verbal and social autopsies (VASA) were carried out to explore the experiences and challenges of women who had experienced a stillbirth. The findings from these VASA will be published separately.
3.2 Analysis using the RE-AIM framework
We organised the qualitative findings into the RE-AIM domains as follows (Refer Fig. 1):
3.2.1 Reach-
Although it was anticipated that the beneficiaries might have limited awareness and knowledge regarding maternal health services, many reported feeling “left out” of the public health programmes due to cultural and language barriers. This exclusion also resulted from systemic barriers such as the unavailability of required documentation, limited exposure to locally adapted health education and difficult geographic terrains. Cultural and language differences further added to this exclusion and disconnect from the services intended for the beneficiaries.
“The health facility should be in a nearby area. For a pregnant lady, it becomes difficult to visit the health facility, which is at a greater distance, and the road conditions are not good. Vehicles are not available, all these things make it difficult to visit the health centre for a check-up during an emergency.” (Pregnant woman, Gestational Age- 7 months, Age- 33 years)
In addition to these barriers, many women did not speak or discuss their problems or conditions during pregnancy openly with their family or healthcare providers, which caused delayed decision-making and care-seeking. Additionally, delays in care-seeking were often rooted from mistrust, misinterpretation, and misinformation, which added fear surrounding pregnancy-related services. CHWs acknowledged these challenges and suggested strategies such as targeted locally adapted and culturally sensitive IEC activities and community engagement approaches to encourage women to speak and discuss their health conditions more openly with either their family or the CHW.
“There are some norms like don't go out in the evening, and also not going out on certain days like the full moon or no moon day. These norms are passed on by the older people in the house, so we have to listen to them sometimes, as we cannot deny them always.” (Mother of a 4-month-old baby, Age- 29 years)
Interpersonal communications between patients and HCPs were often defined by mistrust and disbelief regarding the quality of public health services. These differences and deep-rooted mistrust led to a preference for private maternal care, with women accessing both public and private health facilities, citing quality of services, trust, and ease of accessibility in the catchment areas as reasons for private healthcare preference. Misinformation among the beneficiaries contributed to the misinterpretation of danger signs and an added fear of medical investigations and C-section delivery procedures. A belief that C-sections were performed only for monetary gains hindered the acceptance of medically necessary C-sections. Observations also noted that interpersonal communications between patients and HCPs were not always cordial, deepening mistrust.
“Patients go to a private hospital to avoid the waiting period that they have to go through in a government facility. Some women are working, so they visit a private hospital accordingly to their available time. Government facilities have holidays on Saturday and Sunday, whereas private hospitals are working (throughout the week). (ASHA under a PHC)
Despite being proactively involved in IEC activities, community outreach was not adequate/insufficient to cover the vulnerable groups/beneficiaries, attributing to work overload, time constraints and language barrier. The CHWs perceived that the beneficiaries had mistrust stemming from misinformation that led to limited populations approaching them for maternal care services, underlining a need for more inclusive and sustained community engagement strategies.
“Low education and child marriage are the basic problems in some communities, where they are unable to access ANC services on time.” (Medical Officer at a PHC; Education: MBBS, MD; 3 years of clinical experience)
3.2.2 Effectiveness-
Health facilities often operated with reactive maternal care strategies, rather than proactively screening for HRPs and complications. Findings from the data revealed that there was delayed detection and inadequate management of high-risk pregnancies (HRPs) during antenatal care (ANC). These delays were sometimes caused by the delayed registration and reporting of pregnancy by the pregnant women. Additionally, lower tiers of the health system lacked adequate infrastructure for HRP screenings and complications, including consumables for identifying Pregnancy-Induced Hypertension (PIH), Gestational Diabetes Mellitus (GDM) during routine ANC checkups and camps. This issue is also aggravated by a shortage of staff, which may be a common scenario across the country. This shortage leads to the delegation of responsibilities to untrained staff members.
“In ANC camps, we take the necessary information and register them, perform regular checkups [BP as observed during the ANC camps], and treat if anything is detected. If anything else, then we ask them to go to a private hospital or the PHC or the RH. USG is not done at the PHC.” (ASHA at a PHC)
This suggests that ASHAs who are neither trained nor formally responsible for conducting antenatal check-ups often perform clinical tasks such as measuring blood pressure, indicating task shifting due to workforce shortages.
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Further, specialised care post-identification for management of HRPs was absent, although the guidelines for HRP management suggest close monitoring of such pregnancies.
“I go to a private hospital in the taluka. Then I show the reports and prescriptions to the government facility and take medicines from them….For the past 8 months, no camp has been organised in our area. Timely blood investigations should be done, but they are not.” (Pregnant woman, Gestational Age- 8 months, Age- 28 years)
Antenatal and postpartum mobility restrictions rooted in cultural beliefs caused missed checkups and delayed pregnancy registrations, further impeding timely HRP detection. Documentation challenges, such as the unavailability of necessary documents for the beneficiaries to access services (as mentioned in the earlier section), prevented them from utilising existing schemes. Consequently, they relied on a single free sonography, which either added to out-of-pocket expenditure or resulted in missed investigations.
“I think delayed referrals from the PHCs [to higher health facilities] are one of the barriers…..Ours is a first referral centre, so we do not have all the facilities for cases such as placenta previa, abruptio, or GDM. Such cases have to be referred further; we too have no other way. Referral to SDH is there, but they, too, are overburdened with patients. So they, too, refer further, and then the patients have to go to Pune city for treatment and deliveries. There is no other way. It is all circumstantial.” (Gynaecologist serving at a Rural Hospital; Education- MBBS, DGO; 14 years of clinical experience)
A preference for private services as against public facilities led to the fragmentation of coordinated care and, consequently, the effectiveness of programmatic interventions meant to prevent adverse pregnancy outcomes, including stillbirths. This lack of continuity of care hampered regular follow-ups and monitoring, especially for HRPs, and impacted the effectiveness of maternal health programs.
“Some people have a perception that they receive better facilities from the private hospitals. So they go there. Another thing is pressure from the family- that we have to go to a private hospital because our family members want us to go there. It is like a status sign that we have money, and yet we are using government facilities.” (ANM at a Sub Centre, 17 years of clinical experience)
Women expressed their dissatisfaction with the nature of antenatal appointments, describing them as being too brief and mostly clinical, without sufficient emphasis on discussions or counselling relevant to their pregnancy status. Providers too acknowledged that follow-up was rarely done the facility-level reporting is usually cross-sectional, leaving many women unsure of whether any improvements had been achieved or whether their concerns had been addressed.
The nutritional supplements (aahar) provided to pregnant women through the Supplementary Nutrition Programme under the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) were consistently reported to lack quality and were not culturally adapted, adding to maternal undernutrition among the beneficiaries, elevating their risks during pregnancy.
“The quality of the take-home ration is not at all good. We, too, have tried to report this to the higher authorities. But nothing has been done about it. People sign the receiving sheet but do not take the THR with them.” (Anganwadi Worker at Anganwadi, 16 years of experience)
3.2.3 Adoption-
The CHWs and HCPs expressed variations in adoption and challenges for MCH interventions due to the overburden of existing tasks, along with their household duties and work-related responsibilities. These constraints often led to overlooking practicalities in health-related day-to-day tasks across various tiers of the health system. Additionally, ASHAs reported that they were overburdened as they also helped other healthcare staff with data entry and documentation tasks. With these additional tasks, their home visits to beneficiaries were affected and resulted in a service gap. Absence and inconsistencies in standardised protocols for maternal and child care across antenatal, intrapartum and postnatal phases, and challenges to adopt it locally were observed by the team.
“There are too many tasks for us, but the staff is insufficient. So there is too much load on us. But we do not give our tasks to anyone else….We give them (patients) treatment. If that (given treatment) does not work, then we change the medicines and provide support for the same.” (ANM at a PHC, 25 years of clinical experience)
Differences in the case management for both normal and high-risk pregnancies were also noted across health facilities.
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Interactions with both CHWs and HCPs indicated that they were aware of the challenges with the adoption of guidelines and protocols, but local adoption was hindered by resource constraints and fragmented systems. Instances of “trial and error” approaches to treatment and management were narrated by the staff and community members, reflecting the lack of structured adoption of protocols.
“Specific protocol and policies, which are meant for Antenatal care and Postnatal care, are still not known to the beneficiaries. Lack of awareness is there.” (CHO serving at SC, BAMS, 4 years of clinical experience)
A critical gap emerged in the inconsistent definition of stillbirth and risk classification among the CHWs and HCPs was revealed, which delayed the detection of HRPs. For instance, an ASHA defined stillbirth as- “After the child is born, till 1 hour after birth, if the baby dies, then that can be called a stillbirth. Also, if the child dies between 0–5 years old, then it can be called stillbirth.” (ASHA under a Sub Centre, Education-BA, 11 years of experience); while another ASHA defined stillbirth as- “Stillbirth can be defined as a dead baby being born during the process of the childbirth.” (ASHA under non-tribal Rural Hospital, Education- Higher secondary schooling, 15 years of experience). Such inconsistencies were indicative of a lack of training, adding to the misclassification and subsequently to delays in the identification of HRPs.
Upon detection, lack of specialised follow‑up for HRPs led to increased risk of a severe complication, further delaying emergency admission for management/delivery due to rigid "first-come, first-serve" policies at delivery points with high patient load, often lacking a systematic protocol for referrals. Unclear postnatal discharge instructions, especially after experiencing a stillbirth, resulted in confusion and probable future complications. The lack of standardised communication and follow-up mechanisms left many women uncertain about postnatal care services and danger signs, further compromising maternal and newborn outcomes.
3.2.4 Implementation-
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Healthcare providers noted that while guidelines existed, their interpretation and delivery often varied from one setting and tier of the health system to another, which was driven by the motivation of the healthcare staff at the respective facility. This hindered standardised implementation and contributed to irregular service delivery. Implementation gaps such as delayed home visits by the CHWs, inconsistent referral mechanisms within and outside the public health system, and insufficient training of CHWs and HCPs were reported. Staff members recounted instances where time constraints or limited training led to irregular service delivery.
“The doctors at the other government hospital come very late, always. We have to wait for them for a very long time. Women get tired of this and leave because they are not aware of the time. Some speak for this, while some do not. The sister said that the doctors come from faraway places, so please adjust. So it is regular that we adjust and wait. ...Half of our day is wasted at the hospital waiting for the doctor.” (Pregnant woman, Gestational Age- 9 months, Age- 31 years)
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Limited infrastructure and resource constraints at some Primary Health Centres—including inadequately equipped or non-functional labour rooms and operating theatres, as well as the absence of robust emergency response systems—contributed to delays during labour and impeded the effective implementation of programme initiatives aimed at reducing adverse pregnancy outcomes.Notably, many referral hospitals, which are expected to provide emergency lower segment caesarean section services around the clock in accordance with IPHS guidelines, were unable to do so due to shortages of essential human resources such as anaesthetists and paediatricians.Unavailability of essential medicines (IFA, calcium, Prophylaxis anti-D for Rh-ve mother, among others) was reported by the participants. Supply chain disruptions for equipment were also reported. Ambulances delayed emergency care for women with HRPs, women experiencing labour, and when women were referred during labour.
“The facility centre I am visiting is not equipped with all the essential requirements. It does not have a washroom facility, so it was difficult for us on the OPD check-up day. This is the basic requirement that should be made available.” (Mother of a 4-month-old baby, Age-24 years)
“During emergencies, there are no medicines and we have to answer the community for these shortages....The infrastructure of this SC is insufficient. We do not have a delivery table for the check-up of pregnant women. The ceiling leaks, sometimes even poisonous snakes enter the SC through the cracks...There are no specific staff members to manage HRPs. Apart from me, all other posts for this SC are vacant...There is no specific staff to manage HRPs…The workforce is insufficient at this SC…This is a problem because I have to tend to all the tasks. If I focus on one task, the others remain pending. Sometimes, even ignored” (ANM under SC, 10 years of clinical experience)
“USGs are not free, and anomaly scans are not free, so nearly 50% of people do not do these tests. We counsel them, but we also know that they cannot afford these tests. RH and SDH are far away for performing these tests there. Migrants are here only for a few months, so they move back to their villages. So they do not perform tests. Doctors are also not available here….There are problems at RH when patients are referred. The staff at RH says they need an entry and registry of these patients on their specific day. That is not possible for all patients. So the patients are upset with us for such situations, but we cannot do anything in such cases.” (LHV under a tribal PHC, 14 years of clinical experience)
“No staff is available at night. Even the transport facility is difficult at night. 108 ambulance services are also not available sometimes in emergencies, which is problematic.” (Medical Officer serving a Rural Hospital; Qualification- MBBS, MS; 5 years of clinical experience)
Communication between providers (within and outside public health facilities) and the coordination of services remained suboptimal, leading to fragmented service delivery. As documented earlier, facility staff reported limited training and retraining of HRP tracking protocols. To add to this, interviews with HCPs indicated a lack of printed SOPs and manuals, making standardised implementation difficult.
“The programs are easy to follow, but it is difficult to implement. It is not that we are not implementing it, but there is less response from the public here...people here do not have Aadhar cards or their cards are not linked to their contact details. Hence, we cannot achieve the targets given, because of 2 things: less response from people and low population. Compliance is a problem, and awareness is a problem. The program is really good, but the compliance required is not up to the mark.” (Medical Officer under a tribal Primary Health Centre; Qualification- MBBS; 1 year of clinical experience)
While the health system has adopted digitisation of health records, both online and offline data entries continue. These, too, faced challenges such as network connectivity issues, technical errors and low acceptance among staff of older generations. The major reason for offline data entry into multiple registers was non accessibility to networks while the staff was on field in difficult terrains, and discomfort in using mobile applications by the older staff.
“We have survey registers with us. We collect all the data in these registers. There are different registers for ANC, PNC, Vaccinations, etc. We do not take the registers everywhere we go. We write it in a diary and then copy it into the register.” (ASHA under a Sub Centre)
“Online and offline data entry is the biggest challenge. Most of our time and energy is used for these tasks. We are clinical doctors. After our graduation, we undergo training to become MO or CHO, but even after all this, we have to do data entry. Then what is the point in training us? We only do 10% of clinical work and attend to patients; the rest is all clerical and desk work. ANMs do data entry, but they too have clinical roles to play… (Community Health Officer at a Sub-Centre; Qualification- BAMS; 4 years of clinical experience)
3.2.5 Maintenance—
Healthcare providers frequently noted that initially, the MCH programme was launched with momentum, but later its momentum waned due to the absence of continuous monitoring and evaluation, and discontinuous training. This lack of sustained surveillance and capacity-building impacted the long-term success of the program.
“‘Quality measures’ are present only on paper; they do not exist on the ground. The panel for these monitoring visits must be strong enough to find the gaps, present them to the institution and suggest changes. It should work like a feedback mechanism. This system must be strengthened.” (OBGY at a Rural Hospital; Qualification- MBBS, DGO; 14 years of clinical experience)
Sustainability of improved maternal care practices was compromised by ongoing challenges such as low incentives for CHWs, limited funding for continuous system improvements, infrastructural deficits, lack of long-term follow-up and monitoring mechanisms. Lack of routine capacity building and updated training for the healthcare staff remained irregular, hampering service delivery.
“Yes, there are shortages of funds. But for us, a patient's life is more important. So we spend from our pockets. We spend from our incentives.” (ANM under tribal PHC, 25 years of clinical experience)
The CHWs, who serve as a critical link between the community and the health system, were often held responsible for adverse events and outcomes during pregnancies, when the focus should have been on the resolution of systemic gaps rather than blaming/attributing the fault to the healthcare staff.
“We are more afraid of high-risk pregnancy, because if there is still birth or anything happens to the mother, we are the ones who get the blame first for the condition, that ASHA has not taken proper care, she has not visited me.” (ASHA under a PHC)
We further identified and documented the major gaps from the dataset into a table as below, aligning with the recommendations that could help in addressing these gaps:
Fig. 1
Recommendations for improving Maternal Care programs to reduce Stillbirths in Pune district
Click here to Correct
4. Discussion:
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Our study underscores persistent and critical gaps in maternal care service delivery across all RE-AIM dimensions, with particularly pronounced challenges among migrant and tribal populations. Consistent with earlier research, our findings reaffirm that socio-cultural, linguistic, and informational barriers remain central determinants of healthcare access in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) [12]. Women from our study area frequently reported exclusion from government programmes due to lack of documentation, mistrust in public facilities, and language barriers—factors also identified in prior work exploring cultural beliefs and practices in Uganda, which highlighted the necessity of culturally sensitive interventions and sustained community engagement to improve perinatal outcomes [13].
In line with existing evidence from LMICs, healthcare access for our participants—particularly the beneficiaries from geographically remote or underserved communities—was hindered by scarcity of resources, both at the health system and patient level [14]. Our data revealed that misinformation and fear surrounding medical procedures, especially cesarean sections, added to delayed care-seeking, echoing findings from Haryana, where lack of prior facility identification, low awareness, and poor transport access during emergencies contributed to critical delays [15]. As a result, many women opted for private facilities, citing shorter wait times, greater availability, and perceived quality, despite the risk of fragmenting continuity of care and undermining public health interventions aimed at stillbirth reduction. Weak linkages between service providers and communities, limited community engagement, and the absence of trust-building activities remain key impediments to equitable reach [16].
Routine high-risk pregnancy (HRP) screenings in our study area were inconsistent, constrained by late pregnancy registration, unavailability of diagnostic tools for hypertension and gestational diabetes, and staff shortages.
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The WHO’s 2016 antenatal care guidelines emphasise the importance of early, risk-based screening to prevent adverse outcomes [17], yet implementation gaps are prominent. Cultural norms, such as antepartum restrictions [18] or delayed ANC visits and thus HRP detection, mirroring Singh et al.’s findings that resource-limited rural areas often lack the infrastructure for routine HRP monitoring [19]. In Karnataka, delayed disclosure of pregnancy has been shown to delay care initiation [20], underscoring the need for community-based approaches to promote early identification and enrolment in maternal care services.
Adoption of standardised MCH protocols varied widely across cadres and facility tiers in our study, with some CHWs and HCPs relying on “trial and error” in case management and demonstrating inconsistent definitions of stillbirth.
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These findings align with Sheikh et al., who emphasise that effective guideline uptake requires continued mentorship, context-specific local adaptation, and resource alignments for smooth functioning [21]. Limited awareness of official protocols among beneficiaries, coupled with high workloads among the healthcare workers, fragmented supervision, and inadequate visual protocols and IEC aids, further hindered consistent adoption. A study by Kawade et al., in 2021, from the same study area reiterates that ASHAs in India work up to 20 hours per week, balancing household responsibilities, other jobs, and health-related tasks, with tribal ASHAs facing additional challenges due to poor transport and remote locations [22]. ​Despite modest incentives and feelings of being rushed, they are proud of their role, motivated by community respect, and willing to take on new tasks, highlighting the need for improved recruitment, training, incentives, and policy adjustments to address their evolving role and sustain the program [22].​
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Our findings demonstrate that even where guidelines exist, implementation fidelity was undermined by a lack of efficient training, motivated human resources, feedback mechanism, and weak referral pathways. Inadequate ambulance availability, especially at night, compounded access barriers similarly reported in Haryana [15] and other LMIC contexts [14]. Inefficient supply chains, frequent stock-outs of essential medicines (iron-folate, calcium, anti-D immunoglobulin), and maintenance lapses in equipment were also evident [23]. Digital health initiatives faced resistance from older staff, connectivity issues, and duplication of effort through parallel offline and online entries multiplies the barriers. Problems of inefficient referral loops, sometimes involving multiple facility transfers before delivery, are similar to what was found in Bangladesh, where timely complication detection and rapid referral have also shown to save maternal and neonatal lives [24].
While initial momentum for MCH programmes was high, sustainability was constrained by irregular training, lack of performance feedback loops, and inadequate incentives for CHWs, similar to the sustainability framework, which advocates for continuous professional development, structured monitoring, and supportive supervision [25]. CHWs in our study reported being blamed for adverse outcomes, which risks demoralisation and burnout. Infrastructural gaps, restrained/insufficient funding, and the absence of quality improvement and feedback mechanisms further hinder long-term programme impact.
5. Conclusion:
Reducing stillbirths in rural India requires a multifaceted, sustainable approach to strengthen maternal care. Our qualitative study reveals persistent gaps across RE-AIM domains, especially among tribal and migrant beneficiaries. Addressing systemic, cultural, and infrastructural barriers is vital. Key strategies for addressing these challenges include culturally sensitive IEC and trust-building, early pregnancy identification and registration linked to subsidised diagnostics, standardised protocols with visual aids and referral algorithms, and public-private partnerships for care delivery. Strengthening supply chains, updating training materials, retraining CHWs and HCPs, and improving digital health records are also essential. Bridging these gaps can advance equitable, effective maternal care and reduce preventable stillbirths in similar LMIC settings.
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Data Availability
The data will be made available upon request, since this is a qualitative study.
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Acknowledgement
We thank all the participants for taking part in the study and the field team for their help with data collection. We especially appreciate the support of Ms. Kajal Tonde, Dr. Sanika Somwanshi, and Mrs Seema Nighot. We are grateful to the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) for their support and the team from the State Health Systems Resource Centre (SHSRC) for their technical assistance throughout the study.
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List of abbreviations:
Acronym
Full Form
ANC
Antenatal Care
ANM
Auxiliary Nurse Midwife
ASHA
Accredited Social Health Activist
AWW
Anganwadi Worker
CF
Consent Form
CHO
Community Health Officer
CHW
Community Health Worker
ENAP
Every Newborn Action Plan
FGD
Focus Group Discussion
GDM
Gestational Diabetes Mellitus
HCP
Health Care Provider
HRP
High-Risk Pregnancy
ICDS
Integrated Child Development Services
IDI
In-Depth Interview
IEC
Information, Education and Communication
IMR
Infant Mortality Rate
INAP
India Newborn Action Plan
LHV
Lady Health Visitor
LMIC
Low- and Middle-Income Country
MCH
Maternal and Child Health
MMR
Maternal Mortality Rate
MO
Medical Officer
NFHS
National Family Health Survey
NRHM
National Rural Health Mission
OPD
Outpatient Department
PHC
Primary Health Centre
PIH
Pregnancy-Induced Hypertension
PIS
Participant Information Sheet
PNC
Postnatal Care
RE-AIM
Reach, Effectiveness, Adoption, Implementation, Maintenance
RH
Rural Hospital
SBR
Stillbirth Rate
SC
Sub Centre
SDG
Sustainable Development Goals
SDH
Sub District Hospital
SOP
Standard Operating Procedure
SRS
Sample Registration System
THR
Take Home Ration
VASA
Verbal and Social Autopsy
Declarations
A
Funding-
This work was supported by the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) [grant ID: 5/7/BMIPR/2022-RCN].
• Ethics approval and consent to participate: The ethical approval was provided by the KEM Hospital Research Centre Institutional Ethics Committee (Reference No. KEMHRC/RVM/EC/1964).
A
We obtained the written informed consent from all participants before data collection.
A
• Consent for publication: The consent for publication of the study was provided by all authors.
• Availability of data and materials: The data will be made available upon request, since this is a qualitative study.
A
Author Contribution
RM and RP conceptualised and designed the study. RP and GD jointly planned the study and provided overall supervision. MG and NA contributed to study implementation through their role in the Health Systems team. NM and RP developed the interview guides. EC, KK, NM, SK and RP were responsible for data collection, storage and analysis. EC led the data analysis under RP’s guidance, with analytical contributions from KK, NM, and SK. EC drafted the manuscript, with critical revisions and supporting inputs from all co-authors.
Competing interests-
• None
Acknowledgements- We thank all the participants for taking part in the study and the field team for their help with data collection. We especially appreciate the support of Ms. Kajal Tonde, Dr. Sanika Somwanshi, and Mrs Seema Nighot. We are grateful to the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) for their support and the team from the State Health Systems Resource Centre (SHSRC) for their technical assistance throughout the study.
Total words in MS: 5607
Total words in Title: 23
Total words in Abstract: 388
Total Keyword count: 7
Total Images in MS: 1
Total Tables in MS: 0
Total Reference count: 25