From Portland to Chengdu: A Comparative Study of Inclusive Urban Renewal Paths from a Greenfield
Equity Perspective
DongshengHuang1,2
LeiWang1Email
XinyangWang1
KeyuMeng3✉Email
L.W.1Email
X.W.1Email
K.M.1Email
1Architecture and Design CollegeNanchang UniversityNo.999, Xuefu Avenue, Honggutan New District330031NanchangChina
2
A
A
Faculty of Humanities and Social SciencesCity University of MacauAvenida Padre Tom s Pereira999078MacauChina
3Fine Arts and Calligraphy College, Sichuan Normal UniversityNo. 1819, Section 2, Chenglong Avenue, Longquanyi District610000ChengduSichuanChina
Dongsheng Huang1,2, Lei Wang1, Xinyang Wang3, and Keyu Meng4*
1Architecture and Design College, Nanchang University, No.999, Xuefu Avenue, Honggutan New District, Nanchang, 330031, China; hds093504@ncu.edu.cn(D.H.); wanglei11@ncu.edu.cn(L.W.)
2 Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, City University of Macau, Avenida Padre Tom
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s Pereira, 999078, Macau, China
3Architecture and Design College, Nanchang University, No.999, Xuefu Avenue, Honggutan New District, Nanchang, 330031, China; 8801122069@email.ncu.edu.cn(X.W.)
4Fine Arts and Calligraphy College, Sichuan Normal University, No. 1819, Section 2, Chenglong Avenue,
Longquanyi District, Chengdu, 610000, Sichuan, China; MengKeyu1998@163.com(K.M.)
* corresponding.mengkeyu1998@163.com
ABSTRACT
Green space equity is now recognized as a critical indicator of urban spatial quality and social justice. However, current research predominantly focuses on the quantitative distribution of spatial resources, paying inadequate attention to its effects on service facility quality and community empowerment. Key findings reveal distinct patterns in green space accessibility and quality between Portland and Chengdu. In Portland, green space access is unequal between classes. This inequality is connected to racial segregation. Conversely, Chengdu’s city growth has caused less green space in its old urban centers. Regarding service quality, Portland exhibits maintenance investment disparities between old and new districts, with an emphasis on standardized eco-technologies. In contrast, Chengdu prioritizes smart city initiatives and the integration of cultural elements into its green spaces. On the dimension of entitlement, Portland implicitly establishes participation thresholds that lead to exclusionary outcomes. By comparison, Chengdu requires stronger regulatory enforcement and accountability for non-compliance. This study proposes an innovative three-dimensional assessment model. It extends the application of spatial justice theory to inclusive urban regeneration and provides empirical support for optimizing green space in high-density urban areas. Moreover, the model also offers international insights and methodological references for eco-city construction and related policy formulation.
Keywords
green space equity
spatial justice theory
urban regeneration
urban parks and green spaces
three-dimensional theoretical model
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Introduction
Globally, accelerating high-density, high-quality urban development has positioned urban regeneration, reconciling livability, equity, and sustainability, as a critical governance priority. The UN Sustainable Development Report 2021 advocates enhanced sustainable infrastructure and integrated approaches to drive green transitions1. China’s 14th Five-Year Plan (2021–2025) has elevated urban regeneration to a national strategy, shifting focus from spatial expansion to stock revitalization through spatial quality enhancement and functional restructuring. In this context, urban park green spaces, as core components of urban ecosystems and public space systems, serve as vital media for advancing social cohesion, urban resilience, and equitable renewal2. Most current studies on Chengdu’s green spaces calculate accessibility based on static population distributions. But they largely neglect quality elements like service facilities and recreational capacity in equity assessments. While some attempts link accessibility to socio-economic status, a systematic ’social equity-green space service’ framework remains absent. Consequently, current research reflects limitations in scale, demographic coverage, responsiveness to diverse group needs, and policy optimization strategies.
This study adopts a green space equity lens. It interrogates Chengdu’s park city optimization. This optimization is achieved through inclusive urban regeneration. The study is informed by Portland’s systematic ecological network governance. It addresses a core research question: How to precisely respond to differentiated green space needs of vulnerable groups while enhancing multidimensional equity in small-park layout quality within high-density urban fabrics? The research seeks to contextualize spatial justice theory, achieve equitable resource distribution, and generate actionable pathways for just urban renewal.
This study breaks through the traditional structure of spatial justice theory, which mainly focuses on the distribution of spatial resources. It constructs a three-dimensional green space fairness evaluation model(distribution-quality-rights). For the first time, the model incorporates the right to participation of residents into the evaluation system. It verifies the feasibility of this approach through a case study in Jinniu District. Specifically, this research reveals the structural contradictions in the construction of Chengdu’s park city. In addition, it deciphers the nature of the institutional innovation of the Portland model. This study goes beyond the transplantation of experience at the material space level. It proposes a path of inclusive renewal implementation. This aims to achieve a paradigm shift in the supply of green space from equalisation to precise compensation.
Literature Review
Theoretical Foundations: The Connotation and Evaluation of Green Space Equity
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The U.S. environmental justice movement exposed disproportionate siting of polluting facilities in marginalized communities, catalyzing the conceptualization of green space equity. Since the 1990s, scholarship has increasingly framed equitable access to green infrastructure as essential for public resource justice. Empirical evidence consistently reveals accessibility barriers for vulnerable populations: Wolch et al. (2014) document constrained green space availability in minority and low-income neighborhoods within urban cores and underserved suburbs, characterized by scarcity and inadequate maintenance3. Wende et al. (2012) confirm that urban green space in Latin America is essentially a spatial production dominated by capital and political power. It serves the needs of the middle class. Moreover, its operation and management processes create usage barriers. These barriers particularly affect disadvantaged groups4. Dooling et al. (2009) reveal that governments should recognise the legal right of homeless people to reside in urban green spaces and guarantee their right to use them as their‘home of last resort’5. Goodling, Erin et al.(2015)investigate the structural causes of Portland’s uneven development and examine two contrasting urban trends. Portland’s urban core has grown more affluent. Meanwhile, the outer East End has become more socioeconomically diverse and has also grown more impoverished. The research analyzes how and why these changes occurred, citing ref-journal5. Tang, M et al.(2024) document persistent racial disparities in UGS (urban green space) exposure. During the study period, White residents had higher-than-average UGS accessibility. All minority groups experienced lower accessibility. These inequities urgently require urban planning interventions that should promote healthy, sustainable urban development6. Such studies show that there are significant differences in the distribution of urban green spaces by ethnicity and income class. Increasing inclusive access would help to alleviate spatial injustice.
Domestic discussions on spatial justice commenced in 2006, when Ren Ping introduced the concept into the context of Chinese urbanisation, focusing on the justice of spatial allocation of public service facilities7. Yu Kongjian et al.(1999 )were the first to incorporate green space equity into the green space evaluation system8. Ma Yue et al.(2022)observe that, since its rise in the 1980s, environmental equity research has shifted focus to the issue of spatial differentiation among environmental resource groups9. Zhou Conghui(2020)emphasizes that green space equity in parks evolves dynamically with the stage of urban development and the needs of residents, and that achieving precise control remains a challenging planning issue10. From an environmental justice perspective, Xu Yuxi et al. argue that existing results focus too much on the quantity of green space, neglecting its quality and entitlements11 .
In the 1960s, a great deal of injustice and geographic inequity arose in Western cities, and the intensification of gender, class, community, and ethnic tensions prompted the emergence of research on spatial justice in cities12. South African scholar Pirie (1983) pioneered the conceptualization of the spatial geographical dimension of social justice, centered on equitable allocation of urban resources13. Ma B et al.(2019)reveal a key relationship regarding urban green spaces. Residents’ happiness and park distance show an inverted U-shaped pattern. Happiness peaked among residents living 1–5 km from parks. The lowest happiness occurred among those living over 10 km away14. These findings demonstrate the significant positive effect of such green spaces on well-being and support their further promotion. Benassi, F et al.(2025)reveal the relationship between social composition and disparities in access to key urban resources in Naples by integrating residential segregation and spatial accessibility analyses15. This type of research centres on theories of spatial justice, examining and criticising the spatial injustices of capitalism in urban areas.
In synthesis, green space equity theory is grounded in spatial production theory (Lefebvre 1991) and social justice frameworks. Current scholarship is transitioning from distributional equity toward integrated analysis of service quality parity and socio-institutional entitlements. Future research must innovate theoretical constructs to advance green space regeneration paradigms that co-optimize equity, urban resilience, and low-carbon transitions.
Urban Renewal and Current Status of Domestic and International Research
Urban regeneration, as a multidisciplinary practice, centers on countering urban decline through enhanced spatial quality, economic revitalization, and sustainable development. China’s cities now prioritize stock regeneration, necessitating inclusive governance mechanisms in spatial planning. Globally, inclusive regeneration and green space equity consensus demands: (1) Mitigation of environmental gentrification; (2) Protection of residents’ right to housing and development; (3) Fairness, participa- tory engagement, and anti-exclusion safeguards for vulnerable populations, such as low-income households, ethnic minorities, and elders, to secure regeneration benefits and prevent displacement.
This paradigm integrates five dimensions: distributive justice, participatory governance, collaborative pluralism, cultural sensitivity, and economic inclusion. Market-driven displacement pressures and capital’s profit demands obstruct multi- stakeholder reconciliation. Consequently, institutional safeguards become essential to combat gentrification. Green and low-carbon regeneration fundamentally embeds carbon neutrality, climate adaptation, and biodiversity conservation to enhance ecological functionality, resident well-being, and urban resilience. Yet high land costs and scarcity constrain green space scaling, spatial optimization, and long-term maintenance viability. Consequently, inclusive regeneration prioritizes procedural equity through rights protection and participatory processes, whereas green space regeneration focuses on ecological quality enhancement. Synergistically integrating high-quality green infrastructure provides dual foundations for sustainable urban transformation: advancing social justice while upgrading ecological performance.
China’s inclusive regeneration is predominantly state-dominated. Citing Poznan, Poland’s experience, Xiang Pengcheng demonstrates that community gardens, seasonal beaches, and optimized cycling infrastructure mitigated green gentrification while enhancing public health16. Drawing on UK experience, Wang Zhenpo finds that resident participation in China remains largely tokenistic, requiring strengthened rights to information and oversight17. Citing the case of Malaysia, Liu Jian et al. (2025)emphasise that empowering the community to participate directly in planning can meet diverse needs18.
Urban regeneration abroad commonly employs collaborative governance to address challenges such as migration, ageing, and economic disparities. For instance, Curran et al.(2012)observed Brooklyn’s "Moderately Green" project utilizing community- led micro-regeneration to mitigate the social injustices associated with retrofitting19. Africa is facing the dilemma of peri-urban sprawl. Through analyzing Maputo’s inhabitants’ lifeworlds, Axel Prestes Dürrnagel uncovered the necessity for new planning agendas. These agendas must connect everyday realities with instrumental rationality. Ultimately, this integration seeks to dismantle colonial planning’s destructive legacies, particularly the alienation and displacement it generated20. Sustainable regeneration thus necessitates integrating inclusiveness with low-carbon greening31. Equitable greenspace provision underpins spatial inclusion. Simultaneously, inclusive governance blocks green gentrification and secures fair co-benefit distribution. Collectively, these mechanisms form an integrated framework for achieving urban sustainability.
A Comprehensive Review of the Literature
In Chinese scholarship, Yu Kongjian et al8. pioneered the integration of green space equity into evaluation frameworks. However, three persistent limitations remain:(1) an overemphasis on quantitative metrics at the expense of quality and accessibility equity; (2) inadequate consideration of the differentiated needs of vulnerable groups; (3) deficient participatory mechanisms that undermine procedural justice. China’s urbanization context intensifies equity challenges through spatial mismatch and institutional barriers. International studies consistently show that successful inclusive regeneration demands dual integration: spatial optimization must be coupled with governance innovation. Consequently, future research must establish multidimensional frameworks to coordinate distributional, interactive, and procedural equity through interdisciplinary convergence and leveraging digital tools.
Theoretical framework for spatial justice
Traditional spatial justice theories are often constrained by unidimensional resource-allocation perspectives. This study adopts a multidimensional approach, establishing a ’space-quality-rights’ framework to evaluate park equity. Moving beyond singular distributional paradigms, it integrates key dimensions of spatial justice: the spatial dimension addresses distributive justice in green space access for disadvantaged groups; the quality dimension assesses equity in facility functionality, ecological services, and fulfillment of diverse needs; and the rights dimension reconfigures power dynamics to shift from elite dominance toward polycentric governance, securing citizens’ participatory rights.
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Figure 1. Analysis of the theoretical framework of spatial justice.
Methods
Classification system of ecological services of urban green spaces
As critical urban ecosystem components, green spaces enhance environmental quality and conserve biodiversity. Per industry standard CJJ/T85–2017, they are classified into five types: parks, conservation, squares, affiliated, and regional green spaces. These interconnected categories form a multifunctional organic system. Spatial justice assessments require ecosystem service classification systems. (Table 1).
Table 1
Four commonly used ecosystem services classification systems and their similarities and differences.
 
Costanza et al
(1997)
Millennium
Ecosystem
Assessment(2005)
TEEB (2010)
CICES(2017)
supply service
Foods production
Foods
Foods
Biomass-Nutrition
Water supply
Clean water
Water
Water
Raw material
Fibre
Raw materials
Biomass-fibre
Genetic resource
Ornamental
resources
Ornamental
resources
Energy or other
materials
 
Genetic resource
Genetic resource
 
 
Biochemistry and natural medicines
Pharmaceutical
resources
 
Climate regulation
Air quality control
Air purification
Biomass mechanical
energy
Climate regulation
Climate regulation
Climate
Regulation of gas and air flow
Interference
regulation
Regulation
Disturbance
prevention or
regulation
 
Regulatory services
Water management
Water conservation
Flow regulation
Atmospheric and runoff flow
Water management
Water purification and waste treatment
Waste treatment
Regulation
Erosion control and soil conservation
Erosion regulation
Anti-erosion
Liquid flow
regulation
Soil formation
Soil formation
Maintaining soil fertility
Decontaminationa
nd regulation of
waste and toxic
substances
Pollination
Pollination
Pollination
 
Biological control
Pest and human
disease control
Biological defence
Mass flow
adjustment
   
Maintaining soil
formation and
composition
Support services
Biological control
Nutrient cycling and
primary production
biodiversity
Life cycle
maintenance
Life cycle
maintenance
Nutrient
cyclingHabitat
(shelter for migrating
animals)
 
Conservation of gene pools
Pest and disease
control
   
Life cycle
maintenance, habitat and gene pool
conservation
Cultural services
Leisure and Culture
Recreation and
eco-tourism
Recreation and
ecotourism
Outdoor experience
 
Aesthetic value
Aesthetic
information
 
Data sources and collection
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Chengdu’s central urban area comprises five municipal districts (Jinjiang, Qingyang, Jinniu, Wuhou, Chenghua) within the G4202 Ring Expressway. This study utilizes: 2025 Chengdu administrative boundaries, urban park green space data, remote sensing imagery, residential area data, land use data, and supporting datasets. (road networks, hydrography).
The research commenced on 10 June 2025. Chengdu administrative boundaries, territorial spatial planning, and green space planning data were retrieved from public platforms, including the Chengdu Municipal Public Data Open Platform and the Geospatial Data Cloud. Subsequently, the TianMap-Chengdu platform was accessed to extract urban green park vector layers, with shapefile format datasets downloaded via built-in functions.
The research results are categorized and presented in Table 2.
Table 2
Data source and description.
Vintage
Data name
Data format
Data sources
2025
Administrative boundary data
Vector data
Geospatial data cloud
2025
Urban greenspace data
Raster data
SkyMap-Chengdu
2025
Land-use disaggregated data
Vector data
SinoLC- 1(https://zenodo.org/)
2025
Road,water system data
Vector data
Open Street Map
2025
Chengdu Territorial Spatial Master Plan, GreenRoad, water system data Space Plan
Text, Images
Offcial website of Chengdu Planning and Natural
Resources Bureau
2025
Data on urban parks and green spaces
Raster data
Gao De Map
Data pre-processing and integration
ArcGIS served as the primary platform for spatial data processing, enabling spatial statistics and quantitative assessment of surveyed data.
To capture authentic resident travel behavior, this study quantifies park accessibility via network analysis by deriving bulk shortest-walk durations from residential areas to park entrances. Travel cost was operationalized as walking time from neighborhoods to park gates. Time thresholds were stratified by park type using a 20-minute acceptable walking limit.
Given park green space quality indicators’ influence on service capacity, this study includes: area, shape index, environmental carrying capacity, woodland coverage, and water body percentage. Indicator sourcing and computation methods are detailed in Table 3.
Table 3
Data source and calculation method of park green spaces quality index.
Quality Indicators
Data sources
Formula
Park area
Shape index
Environmental carrying
capacity
Percentage of woodland cover
Percentage of water bodies
Statistically obtaine through ArcGIS
Calculated from ArcGIS statistics of the park ’s perimeter P and area A
Assuming a per capital occupancy of 30m²/ person, combined with the size of the park
Calculated from woodland area Sf and park area in land use data
Calculated from the area of water bodies and the area of parks in the landuse data
Twelve parks in Chengdu’s central metropolitan district were systematically identified. Using the above formula, the original quality indicators of several parks were quantified in Table 4.
Table 4
Original quality index values for park green spaces.
Park name
X1/m²
X2
X3/person
X4%
X5%
Tazishan Park
260775.00
1.55
8693.00
84.00
6.50
JinniuPark
453016.00
2.44
1510.00
72.30
0.00
Qingshui he Park
335629.00
5.26
11188.00
34.26
30.30
Xinhua Park
99181.70
1.52
3306.00
80.66
4.53
Supo Park
33065.80
1.93
1102.00
13.37
0.00
People’s Park
131968.00
1.16
4399.00
41.00
34.86
Donghu Park
267516.00
0.82
8917.00
58.56
45.98
Open Air Music Park
377300.00
1.38
12577.00
68.91
5.30
Shengxianhu Park
133333.33
2.32
4444.00
37.50
60.00
North Lake Park
1190500.00
2.84
39683.00
61.77
38.23
Tianfu Hibiscus Park
476000.00
1.64
15867.00
89.92
1.26
Tianfu Art Park
173333.33
1.08
5778.00
29.62
12.69
Green Axis Park
276277.60
1.29
9209.00
21.00
0.72
Raccoon River Park
296500.00
2.64
9883.00
96.31
14.50
New Jinniu Park
112000.00
3.54
3733.00
84.82
0.00
Fuchu River Photography Park
85300.00
1.64
2843.00
38.79
0.00
DuFuCao Tang Museum
180000.00
1.86
6000.00
44.44
5.56
Erxianqiao Park
101441.00
2.39
3381.00
37.46
5.91
High Speed Rail City Park
114666.60
3.17
3822.00
58.38
4.80
Jiang’an River Park
176328.00
1.81
5878.00
39.70
76.94
Baihuatan Park
72149.70
2.10
2405.00
48.51
10.42
Xinqiao Park
103384.00
1.14
3446.00
12.67
3.39
This study employs the entropy method to calculate comprehensive quality scores for each park. Derived from information theory, entropy quantifies information disorder: higher values indicate greater uncertainty, while lower values denote higher certainty. The calculation procedure follows these steps:
(1) Determine evaluation indicators: Select a set of metrics corresponding to decision-making criteria. This study employs five indicators: park green space area
, shape index
, environmental carrying capacity
, woodland coverage
, and the percentage of water bodies
.
(2) Indicator normalization: Raw data were normalized to resolve scale-related differences. We applied the min-max method using the following formula:
Where
denotes the normalised indicator,
represents the value of the jth raw indicator for the ith park, and
indicates the total value of the jth raw indicator.
Weight Calculation: For each evaluation metric, compute its entropy value. The weights of evaluation metrics are then determined based on their entropy values, calculated as follows:
Where
denotes the weight of the indicator,
denotes the entropy value of the jth indicator,
denotes the coefficient of variation of the jth indicator, and
represents the weight of the jth indicator.
Park green space quality indicator weights were calculated as presented in Table 5.
Table 5
Weighting of quality indicators for park green spaces.
Quality
Indicators
X1
X2
X3
X4
X5
weights
0.2403
0.1816
0.2403
0.0874
0.2504
Research methodology
Employing targeted case screening and policy text analysis, this mixed-methods study adopts a qualitatively-driven, quantitatively-supported approach. QCA (Qualitative comparative analysis) examines Portland-Chengdu differences in green space configuration, service quality, and rights dimensions to inform Chengdu’s park city optimization. Quantitative spatial data analysis confirms the significance of observed phenomena. Com-plementarily, ArcGIS visualizations uncover spatial patterns in parks. These combined outputs establish foundations for three critical tasks: conducting mechanistic analysis, identifying key nodes, and optimizing spatial configurations.
This study selected 22 urban green spaces in Chengdu’s city center for sensitivity analysis. Under Monte Carlo random weight perturbation, the composite index ranking showed 10 variations. Fairness conclusions were further assessed using the Gini coefficient.
Comparative study of eco-cities at home and abroad
Comparative study from a three-dimensional perspective: Portland and Chengdu
Portland exemplifies sustainable urban development in the US with extensive planning expertise. Chengdu, as China’s inaugural park city demonstration zone, typifies ecological urbanism. Drawing on spatial justice theory, this study comparatively analyzes both cities’ equitable green space distribution, service quality equalization, and entitlement frameworks.
First, the underlying causes of uneven green space distribution differ significantly between the two cities. In response to early urban sprawl, Portland established a UBG (Urban Growth Boundary) in 1979. This policy effectively constrained outward expansion, preserving surrounding forests, farmland, and other ecological resources. However, the resulting compact urban form intensified competition for land, driving up housing prices. This dynamic contributed to gentrification and the displacement of low-income communities from areas with greater green space access21,24. Furthermore, the study underscores that inequities in green space distribution correlate with racial and socioeconomic disparities. Analysis of 2024 tree cover data reveals significant greening primarily within areas benefiting from targeted investment and in more privileged neighborhoods. Conversely, marginalized communities, particularly those with high concentrations of ethnic minorities, experience chronic underfunding for public green space development, resulting in sparse tree cover26. Furthermore, disparities in Chengdu’s green space distribution are primarily attributable to historical development patterns. Following the 1990s suburbanization initiatives,
Cities underwent rapid expansion. This growth established a concentric three-zone structure—core, compact, and loosely developed areas. This spatial configuration fostered internal developmental imbalances. Compounding this, escalating industrial activity and population growth in recent years have considerably intensified pressure on the ecological environment. This is acutely evident in the core urban areas, where high population density sharply contrasts with low green space coverage23.In contrast, the compact development zone exhibits a substantially higher green space coverage rate.
Despite uneven green space distribution in both Chengdu and Portland, each city enhances spatial equity through transport network integration. Portland implements a TOD (Transit-Oriented Development) model supplemented by strategic greening of transit corridors, thereby embedding ecological networks within its transportation system22,30. Conversely, Chengdu is constructing a three-tier greenway system to integrate fragmented green spaces and improve accessibility in peripheral urban districts23. Concurrently, Chengdu addresses the green space deficit in its historic urban core through the development of a citywide park network, ensuring equitable resident access.
Second, equitable green space planning requires balanced consideration of: spatial distribution, ecological regulation, and service quality. Portland employs standardized green infrastructure, integrating natural features-trees, streams, and open spaces-as core components to enhance regional ecosystem functionality. The city’s ecological technologies significantly contribute to stormwater management, microclimate regulation, and biodiversity conservation24,25. Collaborative initiatives like the Grey to Green watershed restoration program further improve river ecology and biodiversity.
Conversely, Chengdu’s ecological services require enhancement. Research indicates that China’s urbanization rate has reached 66.16%. Particularly, Chengdu excels in cultural services. Thirty-plus new shared parks now provide essential public amenities. Simultaneously, integrated cultural-tourism settings elevate green spaces by boosting their triple-value dimensions: recreation, culture, and education.
Third, the rights dimension of green space planning must encompass empowerment, fairness, and procedural justice. Rights equity emphasizes citizens’ rights to participate in and influence green space planning decisions, preventing elite-dominated governance models. Portland and Chengdu share certain commonalities in rights equity, yet differ in other aspects. Crucially, both prioritize grassroots community autonomy. Nevertheless, implementation difficulties persist in practice. For instance, Portland has institutionalized community participation within its planning core, establishing multi-level empowerment mechanisms21,25. Similarly, Chengdu promotes civic engagement in community planning. Residents can voice opinions and review proposals through various channels, yet planning failures persist.
A key distinction lies in citizen influence: Portland residents demonstrate stronger participatory awareness and wield greater influence over urban green space development. Conversely, Chengdu’s green space policies are triply driven: by government agencies, design institutes, and developers. This power concentration results in limited avenues for substantive public input.
Fig. 1
Comparative analysis of Portland and Chengdu.
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Case Study of Jinniu District Park, Chengdu
Following a comparative analysis of Portland and Chengdu, this study focuses on Chengdu’s archetypal high-density historic urban cores. Jinniu District exemplifies this context, where park green spaces predominantly manifest as discrete points and linear belts due to its concentric spatial morphology. According to the Chengdu Statistical Yearbook (2019), the city has retrofitted numerous pocket park sites. Consequently, Jinniu District serves as an ideal case study for assessing spatial justice in
park green space distribution28.
A
Fig. 3
Jinniu district location analysis map(drawn by the author) Data sources:Geospatial data cloud,Open Street Map(https://www.openstreetmap.org/). Analysis tool: ArcGIS.
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The district has established 258 parks comprising comprehensive, community, and pocket typologies, covering 8.18 km². With a per capita park green space allocation of 13.84 m², this inventory includes 5 comprehensive parks, 9 community parks, and 118 pocket parks.
As an archetypal historic urban district in Chengdu, Jinniu District exhibits a population density of 18,000 persons/km². Marked spatial disparities exist in both the quantity and distribution of small parks. GIS-based analyses identify three critical challenges within the district’s small park system: supply-demand mismatch, irregular spatial distribution, and inadequate historical planning integration.
A
Fig. 4
Distribution of parks and green spaces in Jinniu District. (drawn by author) Data sources: Gao De Map Analysis tool: ArcGIS.
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First, a quantifiable supply-demand imbalance exists. Streets including Chadianzi, Yingmenkou, Jiulidi, and Shaheyuan exhibit higher population density but demonstrate robust spatial accessibility and service capacity of small parks. Conversely, most areas in Wubanshi, Fenghuangshan, Xi’an Road, Hehuachi, and Teqiao streets face an acute deficit of small parks. Existing parks in these areas are typically undersized, leading to inadequate green space provision and compromised service accessibility.
Second, an anomalous spatial pattern exists. Park service distribution demonstrates center-periphery disparities, with lower service levels in central zones and higher concentrations in peripheral areas. Notably, the 10-minute walking coverage rate for parks near the downtown core (Lotus Pond and Team’s Bridge sectors) ranges from 58% to 63%. Conversely, Phoenix Hill Street along the Third Ring Road achieves over 95% coverage29.
Third, inadequate historical planning and protection have led to substandard maintenance of green spaces in older urban areas. Parks such as those in Five Stone Streets, often temporary conversions from vacant land, lack statutory protection and face replacement by development23. This stems from the historical precedence given to high-density development over systematic green space planning. Many existing parks are located inside gated communities, restricting public access. Other existing parks are generally too small. Consequently, they are insufficient in number, capacity, and service provision.
To address green space shortages in Jinniu District, this paper incorporates Portland’s urban greening expertise to develop a renewal framework for parks in Chengdu’s older urban areas. This strategy focuses on spatial allocation of green spaces, service facility quality, and stakeholder engagement.
Chengdu could adapt Portland’s systematic model to mitigate the uneven distribution and fragmentation of green spaces in Jinniu District. Portland’s model prioritizes high-density development within its Urban Growth Boundary. This prioritization boosts green space coverage adjacent to rail transit stations. Chengdu should integrate the TOD model and prioritize establishing community parks within a 500-meter radius of metro stations. For example, it can do this at Shuhan Road East station. Chengdu should utilize green spaces beneath elevated BRT infrastructure. This utilization will help bridge greenway gaps.
Portland faces aging infrastructure and subpar ecological function in its small parks. Nevertheless, the city has maintained consistent quality standards. This achievement relies on innovations. For example, the Zidell Yards project implements hierarchical soil remediation and advanced stormwater treatment25. Accordingly, Chengdu should establish an integrated monitoring platform for facility deterioration and deploy IoT sensors to track turf conditions in aging parks. A ’micro-network’ management system could ensure maintenance responses within 72 hours32,34.
To advance equity in urban renewal, Portland’s formalization of floating homes, proactively engaging resident-built gardens in the statutory green infrastructure network, and issuing stewardship certificates, presents a transferable model. This experience substantiates that optimizing green spaces in Chengdu’s aging urban cores necessitates a multidimensional framework integrating spatial allocation, facility performance, and participatory rights.
Discussion
Grounded in spatial justice theory, this study assesses urban green space equity by conceptualizing these spaces as manifestations of democratized spatial entitlements and socio-spatial interactions. We construct a tripartite evaluation framework (Space-Quality-Rights) to comparatively analyze Portland and Chengdu’s green space practices. Focusing on spatial injustices in Jinniu District’s small parks, we propose planning optimization pathways.
The research identifies spatial resource allocation as a core indicator of spatial justice amid rapid urbanization. Portland’s 1979 UGB policy effectively curbed urban sprawl. This is exemplified by the Pearl District’s transformation from derelict indus- trial land into a high-density, mixed-use neighborhood21. This compact development model maximizes existing infrastructure utilization while reducing auto-dependency. Furthermore, Portland implements infill development strategies, as seen in the South Waterfront brownfield regeneration, where light rail integration enabled high-density residential development24,25.
Conversely, Chengdu exhibits boundary-free spatial expansion patterns, exacerbating spatial imbalances, particularly green space supply-demand disparities in historic areas like Jinniu District. In response, Chengdu innovated a multi-tiered park system (regional-urban-community) with tiered deployment strategies to enhance citywide coverage29. Signature initiatives include the 7,000-kilometer Tianfu Greenway Network, which guarantees universal park access through linear connectivity, effectively integrating fragmented green assets.
Equitable distribution of green space resources constitutes a fundamental tenet of spatial justice in urban renewal. Our findings empirically validate the thesis advanced by Xie Yinghui (2021) and He Simin (2025): park supply-demand imbalances in Jinniu District primarily stem from fragmented spatial distribution and heterogeneous land-use patterns. Geospatial analysis reveals pronounced disparities in green space allocation and pocket park service levels across the district, exhibiting a center- periphery improvement gradient. Portland replicates this spatial injustice28,29. Evan Elderbrock et al. (2024) demonstrate that inequitable distribution persists, with bivariate analyses identifying right-of-way canopy coverage as the most significant determinant24. Donovan et al. (2021) tested whether planting urban trees in Portland, Oregon, promotes gentrification, finding that greater tree canopy cover within a neighborhood was significantly associated with higher median home sale prices26. This study extends traditional spatial justice theory by incorporating Yang Lijuan et al.’s (2020) imperative to integrate socio-natural space dynamics, human agency, and embodied spatial experience within renewal frameworks30. Empirical evidence includes Portland’s 2024 Tree Equity Project, where participatory GIS mapping of tree deficits and safety risks directly informed priority zoning policies27. Similarly, Chengdu’s Shuangliu District established a co-creation mechanism engaging 300 + resident co-creators in siting and designing 26 pocket parks, with 180 + community proposals adopted to counter elite-dominated planning. These cases advance spatial justice discourse by linking facility quality and rights-based empowerment, offering transferable models for global eco-urbanization. Moreover, this paper breaks away from the traditional spatial justice theory that emphasizes the equity of resource distribution33. Instead, the paper incorporates the sharing of rights into the fairness evaluation dimension. This incorporation is verified in the case study of Jinniu District.
However, this study has limitations. First, the distribution of rights is primarily shaped by policy and institutional factors, resulting in a passive state of community resident participation. Such participation is only actively exercised when significant inequities emerge in urban green space resource allocation. Moreover, owing to regional policy disparities, the transferability of rights-sharing equity evaluation indicators requires further validation. Second, Data accuracy was compromised by technological and methodological constraints. Third, the preliminary research in Chengdu’s central urban area yielded an inadequate park sample size. Future research should therefore employ improved data collection techniques and expand the sample to enhance the study’s generalizability.
Conclusion
Grounded in spatial justice theory, this study conducts a systematic comparative analysis of Portland and Chengdu, examining divergences in spatial configurations, facility standards, and rights protection mechanisms. We subsequently develop a triaxial ‘Space-Quality-Rights’ evaluative framework. Portland exhibits racially stratified green space distribution, a legacy of historical segregation. The city prioritizes eco-technical specifications yet perpetuates implicit participatory barriers. Conversely, Chengdu’s urban expansion has induced green space deficits in historic cores, where technology-driven planning and cultural integration enhance implementability but compromise efficacy.
This research establishes an empirical foundation for spatially optimized urban regeneration in China. It also contributes to global eco-city discourse through quality enhancement and rights-sharing paradigms.
Data availability
The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study available from the corresponding author on reason- able request.
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Author Contribution
Conceptualization, D.H., LW, and K.M.; methodology, D.H., L.W., and K.M.; software, D.H., L.W., and K.M.; formal analysis, K.M. and Y.Z.; data curation, D.H., K.M., and Y.Z.Writing original draft preparation, D, H., L.W., Y.Z., and K.M.; writing-review and editing, D.H., L.W., and Y.Z.; supervision, K.M. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
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Data Availability
The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study available from the corresponding author on reason- able request.
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Author contributions statement
Conceptualization, D.H., LW, and K.M.; methodology, D.H., L.W., and K.M.; software, D.H., L.W., and K.M.; formal analysis, K.M. and Y.Z.; data curation, D.H., K.M., and Y.Z.Writing original draft preparation, D, H., L.W., Y.Z., and K.M.; writing-review and editing, D.H., L.W., and Y.Z.; supervision, K.M. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
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Funding
This work was supported by the Key Research Project in Industrial Design(Project No. GH-GYSJ2025005) and the Hubei Provincial International Science Technology Cooperation Program Project (Project No. 2023EHA032).
Declarations
Competing interests
The authors declare no competing interests.
Total words in MS: 5127
Total words in Title: 15
Total words in Abstract: 198
Total Keyword count: 5
Total Images in MS: 4
Total Tables in MS: 5
Total Reference count: 34